Set Free: An Interview With Frank B. Wilderson III

Little can be said about Frank B. Wilderson III, that has not been said already. His work, theorizing the world, never shies away from the interrogating unknown or the terrifying. His scholarship has made him one of the most influential and exciting Black scholars of this generation. I recently got a chance to speak with him, to gain insight on how he came to write his newest book, Afro Pessimism and to hear his thoughts on the contemporary Black struggle. You can watch the interview via YouTube here. A transcript of the interview is available below. 

Editor’s note: Because the call was through wifi, certain words would get broken up via the connection, these words appear as (inaudible) in the transcript.

QH: Good morning, good afternoon, good evening! My name is Quinn Hughes and I am one of the editors at the Drinking Gourd. It is my immense privilege today to be joined by a very, very, special guest,  Dr.Frank Wilderson. Frank is a man who needs no introduction, but it would be inappropriate, it would be impious, to not speak to his many accomplishments and accolades that he has accumulated. He has a B.A from Dartmouth, a masters from Columbia, A PhD from University of California Berkeley. His memoir Incognegro, and his theoretical text, Red White and Black (Cinema and the Structure of U.S. Antagonisms), along with his numeros essays and poems, established him as one of the most groundbreaking contemporary Black thinkers and writers. He currently holds the position of professor of African American Studies and drama at UC Irvine, but before working as a professor he was everything from a stock broker, to a waiter, to a member of Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress. Frank Wilderson is the real deal. His new book, Afropessimism, is a blend of theoretical and autio-biographical writing in which he speaks to all of his aforementioned occupations, but with the lens and with the insight of the philosophical discipline pioneered by him, known as afropessimism. The book is available everywhere now by Liveright Publishing. Frank, congratulations on the new book, thank you so much for joining us today! How are you doing?

FW: I’m doing fine, nice to meet you in person Quinn. I must that say my favorite people on the planet are highschool and college debaters. 

QH: I’m really glad to hear that! I’m happy that we get this chance to talk face to face, your participation and speaking to the debate community has been active so I’m really glad that we get this time to talk! So, I am very excited to get into the meat of our interview today, but I wanted to take a moment to talk about how much I enjoyed reading this book, in large part because you are an excellent writer, and also because the book is organized in a very compelling way. It is written as a memoir, and the narrative is the heart that drives the book, but it is told through the lens of afropessimism. So, going in to the book, I have to say, I was a bit, alsmost, nervous because I didn’t really know what to expect. Was the theory going to be heavy handed and overwhelm the auto-biographical portion of the text? Or was the narrative going to act as a substitute for theory? But truly neither is the really case. The theory acts as a lens by which to read the narrative, and that really blew me away. And, I think, another comeling element of this writing style is that both elements of the text complement each other, the narrative is illuminated by theoretical insight and the theory is made more material fleshed out by the narrative, lending itself to a very full, and robust, and truly unique text. And so, what I want to spend a little bit of time talking about is how you came to write this book. And why did you feel that this was the moment, in your life, and in the climate of Black studies as a discipline, that this was the time that this book needed to be written?

FW: Well, actually, to be honest with you, I was writing a purely academic monolith, at the time. It was probably April or March of 2017 when it all changed. Since you are a debater and you all just tear through critical theory tremendously. So, you and some of your comrades in debate have read, I have written three articles which are sort of metaphorical interpretations of the Black liberation army, not in terms of their tactics, but in terms of, what does it mean to be Black and insurgent in a world where most people who are  insurgents are fighting against capitalism or colonialism but a Black insurgent against against the world even if he, she or they, think of themselves as a marxist/leninist? So, I was trying to interrogate that and I thought that might become my next academic book. I was also working on a novel, and really to be honest with you now ‘Afropessimsim’, which I am very proud of, wasn’t planned. The New Press, in New York, called me and they wanted collection of critical essays for a trade publication, meaning, it has to be put in a language and thinking level for a junior in college, who, they say, who is riding the bus, who does not have a thesaurus or dictionary available, as opposed to what an academic book is pitched at a professor or graduate student level. What they didnt know is that there are debaters who are juniors in college and juniors in highschool who read more abstractly than most professors, they just meant the ordinary junior in college (laughter). And so I though, ‘okay, well a good way to get more exposure and gain a wider audience (in audible), so I began to think about that, and I got an agent. And as time went on, I really just began to meld anecdotes and stories which would help illustrate some of the abstract theories of social death and gratuitous violence. And I was very fortunate to get with Liveright where there was an editor, Bob Weil, who is about my age, I’m 64, I just turned 64 in April of this year 2020, and he will turn 65 in September. So we have gone through some of the same processes, same histories, but not only that, he had edited a lot of major Black intellectuals over the past 30 years, like Robin Kelly, and Henry Louis Gates, (in audible), and so it was a really good connection. He was a great novel editor and a great non-fiction editor, and he knew exactly what autotheory should be. In the past five years, there’s probably only been one autotheory book on the market, which was Maggie Nelson’s ‘The Argonauts’ so that’s really it. He was really instrumental in supporting me to not have a subtitle for this book, to make it an emphatic, one word statement, and very few editors, and very few agents understood that, they felt that afropessimsim, a one word statement, is not going to affect with the readers. And he was old enough, and savvy enough to agree with me that we could have one word. And, to remember the moment in 1978 when Edward Said came up with one word ‘orientalism’ just one word. That book launched a revolution in academia, what we call today ‘postcolonial studies’. So that’s part of the background. 

QH: It is very interesting hearing you talk about how you came to write this specific book. And, I know what stood out to me, and as I’m talking to friends of mine who have read the book, is the way that it flows. You talk about writing a novel before this, and you are writing a memoir as a core element of this book, and I am wondering if you would be able to talk a bit about inspiration? With theory, inspiration can look like writing with someone, or applying your own thoughts to a text. But with memoir, and novel writing, inspiration can come from life, or it can come from music, so I’m wondering where you find inspiration and how you translate that into your work?

FW: Yes, and this is very good for you Quinn, because you are who you are, a young writer, and some of the other people on your debate team generally speaking. You write for two languages at two different times, so ‘Red White and Black: Cinneme and the Structure of U.S Antagonisms’, which most high school and college debaters mobilize around, including my articles, is written in what we would call, a provocative manner, it is meant to provoke your analysis. Whereas, ‘Incognegro’, is actually meant to evoke, through connecting the emotions and heartstrings of the reader. And so what we wanted to do was to meld the two together. To provoke and to evoke. And in semiotics, what you have is processes of significitaction. So if you think of  Freud’s topos, topography of the mind, there is the preconscious interest, and then unconscious identification, then the structural position of the subject. What you learn in semiotics is that in preconscious interest is a mode of signification called secondary processes of signification and that is 99 percent of the way you all win or lose debates. By returing ideas, thoughts, fantasies, to relational logic. In other words, dividing concepts so that they don’t mesh together into nonsense. You start off the year with affirmative or negative. Right there, the way the question is posed to you as a debater at the very beginning of the year, is posed to you through secondary processes of signification. And, that’s really good because it is necessary to communicate, but with secondary processes of signification are part of, what’s called, the combination of conscious and preconscious mind. It is the way you in Evanston, can understand me in Irvine, in Orange County, California. Because, as I’m speaking to you, I am speaking to you through the logic of separation and comparison which is to say that at a minute scale of abstraction, I’m using linguistics, rather grammar to make sure that as I speak to Quinn across the airwaves, I dont confuse subjects, predicates, nouns, verbs, that they are all separated in their proper places in a sentence. The fact that I don’t have to think about it simply means that the structure of grammar, which represses the nonsensical utterances that I might have, say in a dream, or with a slip of the tongue, or with a joke, that keeps everything separate so you actually hear the categories in the proper order and in the proper places and you know exactly what I’m saying and you come back to me with the same grammatical structure and I know exactly what you are saying. But that is only one part of the mind, and it’s also the part of the mind that is least susceptible or least alive, to laughter, sorrow, tears, heartbreak, joy. The other part of the mind of course, is the unconscious, and that is ruled, or governed by primary processes of signification. And primary processes of signification are the ways in which the unconscious uses the tools of the symbolic order to move the unconscious, as quickly as possible, to the  most joyous, least painful, place of conceptualization. So, for example, you are up all night, and you’re tired, and you’re studying for the SAT exam, and so, your mind tells you, through primary process of signification, ‘Quinn, what we really want to do is go to the refrigerator and get a piece of chocolate and turn of Netflix’, or in a dream, your mind tells you ‘It would be nice to have lunch with the kaiser on a seaside restaurant in Washington state’. And all those things can happen, because the processes of division which are necessary to make communication whole and proppor between two subjects completely annoyed-, (correcting himself) I said annoyed instead of annulled that was the primary process of signification! (laughter). And so what you have is a situation in which the unciosus really just wants its fantasies and it wants its pleasures, and it uses its signification to get there as quickly as possible but it doesn’t really care about a future life as, say, a student at USC or NYU, a future life as a professor, as you might be be. It says, ‘right now, I want it’. And so, both of those things are part of the subject, and in debate, you’re really moving 99 percent of the time through secondary processes of signification, you have to win through division, through separation, though the argumentation of categories. But you see, in literature, such as poetry, poetry is the most pristine form, but also novels, you have what’s called (inaudible) facilitation. And facilitation is a kind of language which takes both process of secondary signification and primary signification and makes them into one process. And facilitation shows up least, and almost not at all, in mathematical equations and it shows up the most in say, what psychoanalysts call, dreamwork. And so, those are the two poles, and when you bring them both together, you have what’s called facilitation and (inaudible) what it allows for is a kind of language process that does not scuttle relational logic, that does not scuttle division because it wants the reader to understand, but it brings in the emotional impact of dreamwork, into the same sentence or same rhyme, and that can be, if you get it right, a very powerful kind of annunciation, because the listener or the reader can both understand why, the listener and the reader can both understand and laugh and so I was really alive to how do I orchestrate facilitation and you’ve told me I did a good job so I accept it. (laughter) 

QH: When you talk about the ability to access this middle ground between, primary and secondary signification, it makes me think a lot about the work of Black artists, specifically, like, Nina Simone, when she is writing these extremely powerful protests songs that are animated by this type of spirituality, this type of physical place that is only accessed by, what you describe as primary signification, something that’s deep within. And so, I’m wondering if there are inspiration in either Black musicians, Black filmmakers, visual artists, that help you get to that space? Or, what are the tools that you’re using when youre sitting down to write, to really be able to access that perfect moment when you find yourself in a state where you can be writing consistently at that leve?

FW: That’s very perceptive, you’re absolutely right about that. I was fortunate to go to college from 74 to 78. Of course, you know, reading the book, I got kicked out in 78, I had to come back and finish the rest. Technically I went to college from 74-80, with two years of expulsion in between. But you know, Nina Simone used to come and rock up on our campuses and there was something at the level of understanding. We knew the words were revolutionary but it hit at a gut level as inspirational. So for me, the primary person is Sarah Vaughan, and you viewers can (inaudible) a New York Times interview, I did on April 5th, in which I talked about it. I like the way in which she can draw out a word through a moan. I like the kind of gravitas, the way that she can both speak about suffering and make it beautiful at the same time. You are exactly right, there is dreamwork going on and at the same time, I am understanding what she is saying and its because of her reightster which somehow hits my register, her words go on make me want to write.

QH: I think that is done really well in the book, I think that the time it is most salient for me is when you are writing about your childhood and you are writing about growing up. And I think for myself, and for readers in general, I’m draw back to a place where I was young and im coming into the world and beginning to have this understanding that the people moving on the TV screen or the people talking on the radio have some type of relationship to myself and it’s not just noise. And I think that your ability to write not with the perspective of yourself as an adult, but also knowing where the text is going in terms of where it is going theoretically and setting yourself up and writing about your childhood is really done intentionally and is really beautifully. And you have a section of the book to read and this scene with you as a child, with your  grandmother, watching the news with the footage of the riots after the assasniation of Martin Luther King and I’m wondering if you could give us a little bit of context to this passage and read it aloud of us.

FW: Ok well thank you very much for those kind words. I’m really just astounded at the level of rigor that high school debaters in particular, and college debaters, (have) and I thought to myself, ‘wow, what was I doing when I was 17?’ (laugher). Yeah, that is a very interesting passage. It was 1968, April, and Martin luther King had been assassinated. This was, as most of your comrades know, a tumultuous year. ‘68 is like the year that things change. When you all read Derrida, when you read Foucoult, if you read Lacan, and Levis Strauss, this is the year that the engine of critical theory really takes a turn. And it takes a turn because of all the stuff that is happening in the world. Less than 12 months before, Che Guevara has been assassinated in Bolivia. About three months before this episode, the Americans have finally awoken to the fact that they are not an invidicabal army, that the Tet Offensive has actually moved the territorial capture of the Vietcong and the North Vietnamise Army to several miles outside of Saigon, that’s how far south they were driven. The (inaudible) Chief of Staff have woke, the next year in January of 69, somewhere in there, when Nixon gets sworn in, will tell Nixon that his request to mobilize 500 thousand more troops to vietnam simply can’t happen because there are revolutionaries in the streets right now. White college students have bombed 3000 state and corporate establishments across the country, if you can imagine what this year is like. The American Indian Movement starts up in Minneapolis, urban unrest rocks the country, you know, it’s very much like this year, in some ways, except more overt political direction and the powers that thought their entire edifice was about to crumble. So I am 12, it is 1968 I have been living in this all white neighborhood in Minneapolis, Minnesota for the past six years, since ‘62, and it has been hard, and not fun, and my grandmother has come up form New Orleans, she’s about my age, she is about 64 at that time and we are watching the riots.

(excerpt from the book Afropessimsim)

I turned twelve in April, the same day Congress passed the Fair Housing Act and seven days after the murder of Martin Luther King. I watched the riots on television with my grandmother, a New Orleans Catholic who had taught second grade and at one time played piano with the Preservation Hall Jazz Band. Grandmother Jules loved all kinds of sports. Her husband, 2-2 Jules (named for his ability to strike out a batter every time the call was two balls and two strikes) turned down an invitation to join the Negro National League and worked the rails as a porter, and then as a plasterer when the Great Depression came. But he died in 1968. When Grandmother Jules came north to visit us, she spent time with me and my father watching base- ball, football, and basketball, and never hunted for antiques with my mother, her daughter. She loved pickled pigs’ feet and a beer called Hamm’s, which was brewed across the river in St. Paul.

The murder of Martin Luther King and the Tet Offensive changed my family’s relationship to radio and TV. My parents listened for my uncle’s name in the nightly broadcasts of casualties. My grandmother and I watched the riots.

One night her feet shot up from the easy chair and damn near knocked her beer and pigs’ feet off the TV dinner tray. As I steadied the table, she laughed like I’d never seen her laugh before.

“Go ahead, son!” she cried.

I’d heard her say this many times over, whenever Tony Oliva made a base hit, or when Gale Sayers ran for a touchdown. But neither Oliva nor Sayers were on the screen. I caught her joy and laughed out loud too. A knot loosened in my chest, a phantom tumor that had been there since first grade. We were watching the riots, and my grand- mother laughed my pain away. If I said that for the past six years I’d hated the vast majority of students and half the teachers at my school, I would be lying; it was never that straightforward. But it would be accurate to say that I was never at ease in their presence; and since their faces were with me even when I was not with them, it would also be true to say that I was seldom, if ever, at ease.

“Go ahead, son!”

She wasn’t talking to me, she was talking to the man on the screen; but, at that moment, she and I were triangulated with that man on the screen. And I felt loved.

I’d like to say the city on the screen was Cleveland, but it could have been Detroit; D.C.; Cincinnati; Chicago; Kansas City; Balti- more; Pittsburgh; Trenton, New Jersey; or Wilmington, Delaware. It could have been anywhere and everywhere. No fires were visible, but smoke plumed over ruined buildings. Skid marks scarred the street where a shirtless man with a do-rag snapped around his conk nosed a shopping cart down the boulevard. Grandmother Jules laughed like her chest was full of carbonation. I knew there and then that for me the priesthood was dead. I was going to grow up to be a looter and make my grandma proud.

Our racket roused the killjoy giants who owned the house. My mother came downstairs and told her mother not to say such things. I saw my mother in silhouette framed by the living room’s sliding French doors, with light from the dining room at her back. She was graceful even when she was still. She and Dad modeled in fashion shows that the Boulé and the Links, two of the Black middle-class social groups to which they belonged, put on. The whole room hushed when the two of them came down the catwalk. Mom’s friends said she looked like Donyale Luna, who took the world by storm in 1966 when she became the first Black woman to grace the cover of Vogue. And I struggled to see how the blood in my mother’s light skin and slender body was the same blood that ran through my grandmother, who was short and dark, sucked juice from a neck bone, and stomped the damper pedal when she played the piano. At the age of thirty-six, my mother stood in the threshold, framed by her reproach, and spoke to her sixty-three-year-old mother as though their ages were reversed. My grandmother and I looked at her like two kids caught being naughty.

“Don’t say that, Mother. Next thing you know he’ll be saying that at school. He’s wayward enough as it is.”

When we turned back to the television, the man with the conk, the do-rag, and the shopping cart was gone. Mom went upstairs and we went back to our antics.

“Why are we mad?” I asked my grandmother as we gazed at the plumes of smoke rising from the flat roofs. Because we ain’t got no jobs?” I said, giggling and looking cau- tiously at the French doors for signs of my mother and her citation for “ain’ts.”

“No,” grandmother replied, “it’s not about jobs.” “Because we ain’t got no hot water?”

“It’s not about water, child.”

“Because we live in the ghetto.”

“Frankie, you’re not in the ghetto,” she said with a chuckle, “and you’re mad.” (How she knew that was a mystery to me, for I don’t recall ever telling her what went on at school.)

Then, on the count of three, we said, “We’re mad at the world!” From the top of the staircase we heard, “Mother, please!”

It would, though, be a stretch to say that my grandmother was

an Afro Pessimism. But Afro Pessimism isn’t a church to pray at, or a party to be voted in and out of office. Afro Pessimism is Black peo- ple at their best. “Mad at the world” is Black folks at their best. Afro Pessimism gives us the freedom to say out loud what we would otherwise whisper or deny: that no Blacks are in the world, but, by the same token, there is no world without Blacks. The violence per- petrated against us is not a form of discrimination; it is a necessary violence; a health tonic for everyone who is not Black; an ensemble of sadistic rituals and captivity that could only happen to people who are not Black if they broke this or that “law.” This kind of vio- lence can happen to a sentient being in one of two circumstances: a person has broken the law, which is to say, cracked out of turn given the rules that govern; or the person is a slave, which is to say, no pre- requisites are required for an act of brutality to be incurred. There is no antagonism like the antagonism between Black people and the world. This antagonism is the essence of what Orlando Patterson calls “social death,” or “deathliness” in the words of David Marriott. It is the knowledge and experience of day-to-day events in which the world tells you you are needed, needed as the destination for its aggressivity and renewal.

QH: Thank you so much for that. What I love about this excerpt is the phrase afropessimism is Black people at their best, and what I like about this as a sentiment that it undercuts the idea that afropessimsims is a static intellectual discipline that has been invented over the past 20 years by Black intellectuals, because I feel that this is not the case. Your work, and the work of Saidiya Hartman, and the work of others in the field, has definitely saturated these sentiments and put them in a very specific context, but I feel that to me, afropessimsimis a theme and a life force, that animates the Black radical tradition and it is truly Black people at our best. And so I am wondering how you came to this phrase and what it means to you? 

FW: Well the first thing I should say is, I should take you on the road with me! (laughter)

QH: Listen, I’m available. As soon as they lift the ban, we’ll go city to city! (Laughter) A travelling show.

FW: That would be cool, I sometimes lack-, because I do so much of this, I sometimes lack the framing narrative, which you just gave, which is really wonderful. What phrase? What are you asking me to say? Where did what come from, the word ‘afropessimsim’? 

QH: The phrase ‘afropessimsim is Black people at their best 

FW: Oh, where did it come from?

QH: Yeah, and what does that mean to you?

FW: Okay, so what it means to me is that, you and I exist in a cartographic, which is spacial, and temporal carcerality, which is to say we are always in prison. And the hydrolics of the prison experience, is going to be different for you, as a highschool student in a college town like Evanston, than me as a professor in an (inaudible) part of Irvine, than it is for someone literally behind bars. The actually first principles of that incarceration are the same, just the experiences of someone in a sweatshop is going to be different than the experience of a middle manager or a professor in Stockholm, but the first principal of capitalism is extract surplus value from the labor time of the laborer, are going to be the same. So what that means specifically is, coming also to your question, is that we are never in a space in time when we can speak freely. We always have to negotiate what can the non-black listener take? In other words, what can they take emotionally? We have to know that. So it’s part of our linguistic and preformative DNA. It’s like, we don’t have to know it consciously, in fact, if we knew it consciously, then it would be clunky, like grammar. You and I have never, since we began this broadcast, said anything about grammar, but we have been deploying proper grammar all the way through, which is precisely why we are getting across to each other. And so, we don’t carry the structure of grammar in our minds, but we know that there are real consequences, (emphatically) real consequences, for (inaudible) if you are signing a contract, you know, or talking to the police. So one of the things about being Black is you really have to be, from a very early age, attentive to just how much of your life you can give to the listener. This is  what James Baldwin says in terms of why he stopped being friends with Normail Mailer, because every time he started talking about Black suffering, Norman Mailer, who wanted to be known as the white negro, would translate that into somthing (inaudible) his experience, and if it went beyond that, Mailer would become irritated and, you know, there are all kinds of things that Baldwin needed, from Mailer. He needed the little cabin in the back of Mailer’s house way up against the (inaudible) to write one of his novels. So, what would it be like if we spoke without considering the proper grammatical construction of the rules of engagement between non-black people and civil society, between us and civil society? What would that look like? And sometimes we see glimmers of it. We can always see it in music, especially instrumental music, but also in ballads and songs, because whatever we put through in that music, the pleasures of reception for non-balck people, allow them to not be attentive to the rage, or the suffering. But we can’t really do that very easily in the written word or the spoken word, they are going to get it immediately and they can become very pissed off. So, for example, I want to go out-, I live in a condo on the University of California Irvine campus, it is a housing complex for professors and staff, and when I saw the police station burning in Minneapolis, I wanted to go out in the courtyard and scream, you know? I don’t get to do that. But, when the First Gulf War starts in January 1991, and the Navy Ships off the coast of Iraq are sending guided missiles to bomb (inaudible) they get to jump up and down with joy at, what’s called the-, as CNN was talking about, the pleasures, of what was called 1,000 points of light. So, they get to have joy, and any expression, and this is what Davis Marriott means by the fantasies of non-black people that have objective value, and I have to be very careful. And so in the episode that you had me read, this was a moment when my grandmother did not have to be careful about expressing joy at the sight of America burning. Thats Black people at their best. So afropessimism as a critical theory acknowledges those moments which would otherwise have to be policed sometimes for bad reasons and good reasons. My mother comes down to police her mother and me, for what she thinks are good reasons, because at that point little Bobby Seale has just been the first Black Panther murdered in Oakland and so we are getting gunned down in the streets for uttering these things, not even for putting them into actions. So, I think that we are not going to get to a revolutionary praxis until we are able correctively to not take account of what our non-black listeners can handle when we speak, not take that into account, simply take into account, what would animate Quinn? What would animate Frank? The hell with everybody else.

QH: Right! And I think one thing that’s interesting to me at that moment is when you talk about that kind of dangerous act, that radical act of what afropessimsim does is pushing that as possibility. It’s interested when you talk about instrumental music that also kind of gets at that rage that’s there but it kind of goes, almost, undercover, or it kind of slips past in an inconspicuous way. I think (of) the scenes of some of the first house music parties in Chicago and in Detroit, which is a Black music form but now you see white kids in Europe going to raves when its, you know Black music. 

FW: Yeah!

QH: Or Jazz clubs, like the Cotton Club in New York City when its a Black band and white people dancing to it and I think that’s really astute. And, I think when you talk about language and when you talk about grammar, afropessimsim and theory in general, is a large part, a language and it’s a grammar to  articulate violence, and in the book you write about rhetoric and you write about how langues shaped how you think at a young age. Specifically, I am interested in the languages used by people who were influential to you, the languages used by your grandmother, then the Black Panthers in Seattle, you talk about Soul on Ice by Eldridge Cleaver, I’m wondering how these languages of love, care, community, rage, grew to shape afropessimism as a discipline.

FW: Thats a good question, and I’m not sure- what do you think about that? I can work my way to an answer but why don’t you give it a stab?

QH: One thing that I think about is when you talk about this idea of, you know, afropessimsim allows Black folks to speak to what had only been whispered. And, I think when there are these moments of- for me, before, when I speak to my personal experience, before I had read or engaged with your work, the work of Saidiya Hartman, the work of Fred Moten and a lot of the work of Arthud Jafa, the filmmaker, the moments that I see on the news, or the moments that I might read in a book, or the moments that I might hear in music that get at the same themes of afropessimsim, Nina Simone saying, for example, ‘I wish I knew how it feels to be free’ and then coming to the conclusion at the end of the song ‘I know how it feels to be free’, these moments that we constantly are coming in contact with I think afropessimism puts a lens on or puts a framework to, that condenses it and puts it in a very specific orientation, that I think once it becomes condensed is shocking. But I think it’s not necessarily shocking in the sense that it is being presented with something new, but rather its shocking in the sense that its that fear that-, exspcially the reaction on non-Black folks, that, when you describe that conference in Germany (editor’s note: in the book, Frank recounts a conference in Germany with other non-Black American academics when he presented a talk on afropessimism. Many of the academics were enraged with him and the scholarship he presented), it’s not the fear that this is a completely radical or new idea, but it’s the fear that that subconscious, or that primar process of signification, that they sit with from a very early age is real and that other people recognize it and that maybe they haven’t been as good at the act or the performance as they thought they may be.

FW: I like that answer, very much.

QH: So when you talk about narrative in the book, and because the book is so constructed in narrative, it’s really interesting how the work of narrative writing interacts with how you theorize about narrative. And so, when you write in the book, and I’m kind of paraphrasing in the altercation that happened between you, and your partner Stella and the engagement in the complex that happens in Minneapolis that escalated to violence kind of reaches it climax, you say that it’s hard to mold why this violence happens into narrative because violence and narrative must have an explanation a contingent movement that makes it make sense. But, for anti-Blackness, you say that this logic bleeds out beyond its actors, its immune to logic, and you say quote; “it presents the rules of narrative with a crisis; because what we have is a situation that resists retelling, for the simple reason that narrative’s  causal principle, the ghost in the machine we call the causal logic (or “because principle”) of the story, is missing. This is how a Black story is jinxed. There is no ghost in the machine; the reason for the violence is beyond the grasp of reason. There’s nothing “universal” about it; therefore, the only way to make it intelligible is to leave out the parts that may only be accepted by another Black person, and even then discreetly.” And so my question is, I am wondering how, for you as someone who builds theory from the narrative of others, as you do with the portion about 12 Years a Slave, but also for someone who writes their own narrative in tandem with the theory, I’m wondering what it’s like to engage with Black narrative as a substance that is so challenging to wrestle with, especially when you talk about this resistance that is intrinsic to it, this resistance to capital ‘L’ logic, capital ‘E’ explanation, I’m wondering what that process is like for you.

FW: Yeah, thank you very much I really like what you brought me back to, in both reading parts of the book as you did and your own framing of it which is most important. One of the things about afropessimsim as a critical theory is that, you all know, but maybe other people listening,(inaudible) coordinators might not know, what I’m really saying and Saidiya Hartman’s really saying and Jared (Sexton) is saying, is that what afropessimsim claims and argues is not the totality of Black experience but it is the truth of Black experience, the truth of Black life. So this is very difficult for someone other than yourself to accept and get through, but most Marxists understand that kind of logic, its just that they are resistant to bring it over to Blackness. I mean, they actually understand that if you read, volume one of ‘Kapital’ and you see that value is not organic, it’s not real or concrete that it is the creation of extraction of the capitalist of what’s called socially necessary labor time from a certains species of people. So, every person who’s a worker is this species, who puts in what’s called, ‘especially necessary labor time’ to produce surplus value. And no Markist, worth his, her or their salt, would say ‘well, that’s going to be different for a sweatshop worker, than a professor of Stolkholm’. Nor would they say ‘that’s going to be different for a worker in the Ku Klux Klan, or a fascist and a worker who is part of antifa or a communist’. They say ‘No! Regardless of what the person thinks about themself, and regardless of the lived experience of labor, this is the law that governs the truth of the paradigm’. So, if you then come over and you say ‘regardless of whether someone is Candice Owens, as a Trump Supporter, regardless if someone is Quinn Hughes as a- do you have a summer job I can name off, or something like that?

QH: I don’t, but, I get what you are getting at.

FW: Yeah, okay, if you work at Burger King or something, regardless if you are Frank Wilderson, there is a truth to the rules of subjugation, which is called Blackness, and that’s all it is, that’s all we’re saying. And it really doesn’t matter what the Black person thinks of themselves, it doesn’t matter where they live, just like it doesn’t matter if you are a worker in Bali or a worker in Greenland, there is the truth of the paradigmatic position and part of the truth of the paradigmatic position of Blackness is, this is kind of like a double negative, the absence of the ability to makes sense of violence. That is at the core. The absence of the ability to make sense of violence. And what I, as a person who has trained in neurotology, and trained as a fiction writer with and MFA from Columbia, one of the things I would have (inaudible) is not success of slave narratives, not the success of protests novels from the 1950s and the 1960s, even through I am (inaudible) because without those writers, I couldn’t be what I am, but what I am more interested in is the failures. And what do I mean by the failures? And so I don’t talk forever, I’m going to give a little anecdote. In the book ‘12 Years a Slave’, Solomon Northup keeps writing about violence, and he talks about people being whipped at night, when people are just yanked out of bed for whippings. He talks about the Epp’s so that in the evening, he can hear whales, up and down that little stretch of the Mississippi River. He talks about Marry Epps and Edwin Epps and their children going for a picnic and on their way coming to the slave quarters and yanking people out of the slave quarters to do family whippings. He talks about the 10 year old boy riding on his pony and making an old man walk with him through the fields while people are working so he can whip them, the old man becomes performing the labor of a chorus saying ‘you’re a for goin’ boy’ as he is whipping the very people the old man is going to have to come back in the night and sleep with and put salve on their back. And so, the logic of the Marxist would say that the violence of slavery is for better productivity. And even before ‘12 Years a Slave’ is a movie, we know from little snippets from the first volume of ‘Kapital’ when Marx is reflecting on his time as journalist for the New York Herald, he can’t get it through his head! The logic of violence against slaves. Because, as Marx says, its counterproductive! It’s actually counterproductive! It just-, it makes no sense, people are not able to do the kind of work necessary to industrialize this part of the economy, given the (inaudible) of violence that he sees taking place when he is in America. And so, the narrative of Black writers also fails to make (using air quotes) ‘nonsense’ of that by reporting on that and not (inaudible) on it. And then you get the book to the movie, and the movie’s even worse corruption, even though there is a lot I like about the film, in which they actually have to juxt oppose the inability to pick 500 pounds of cotton in a day, with the whippings. No! No! The whippings produce a sense of presence, and pleasure, for the people who are doing it. It’s part of the family integrity, the family values, it makes relationships whole and produces pleasure! And it is not contingent upon not picking enough cotton, it is not contingent upon disobeying the master, it is gratuitous, it is prelogical, in the words of Orlando Patterson. And so, what I didn’t want to do, is to fall into the trap of imposing the logic of contingency onto anti-balck violence. But here is the end of what I want to say, the problem with that is that the structure of storytelling, or, as Roland Barthes would say, the narratology of discourse, requires an arc, and the arc has to make sense of the incursion. So people are genocided because the settler wants their land, or lynched because they crossed the border illegally, and so narrative, before we even put anything in the story, this is why afropessimims is so disturbing the logic of debate, because debate, the question and the answer and the answer works through the narrative of contingent violence and sense-making of oppression. I wanted to find a way-, because I’m, look I’m seduced by narrative as anyone else, it is an important part of my life. I love good stories, stories don’t love me. So, that’s why I had to interrupt it with the theory and thats why theres not denouement at the end.

QH: That’s really interesting to me, and I think, especially when you talk about this, impulse to contingency. And I think when Black narrative becomes Hollywoodized, to a certain degree, that is really done in a really violent way. I think when you talk about the slave woman who is forced into relations with the master and it’s because she is (air quotes to emphasize the white articulation of why relations occur) ‘beautiful’, right? I think that is one of the most pernicious and violent articulations that we see regularly. And, I think my question for you is, how do we engage in Black story telling, how do we engage with that narrative? Is there a way for us, as an intramural, to resist the imposition of these types of contingencies or these logics? And how do we go about articulating Black narratives in a way that might resist that violence?

FW: I’m struggling through the weeds, trying to find out how to tell it, like you are, and I’m 50 years older than you (laughter)! I’m just trying, I don’t really… you know. In other words, it’s like we have gauze on our eyes, we might be at the point of a new epistemological break, but we won’t know until it’s the other side, and then 50 years out. It’s a very interesting question, I do think that you, people like you, are doing the work, I think that in 2008 when the Towson debate team won a championship, one of the tournaments against the Harvard team, that that was the first step. What we’re seeing now is the Blackening of national debate. And it’s going on now for a good 10 years or so and part of that has been that, never before, in debate, have college or high school debaters won, by refuting the question. So, y’all are doing that work. By saying, ‘we are not going to go affirmative or negative’, but by saying ‘the question is a murderous juggernaut to Black existence and here is how we are going to interrogate it’, and hats off to the judges who allowed that to happen. I must admit, you are in the thick of the woods of one of the universities, Northwestern, who wanted to make that kind of conventional illegal and some professors there, they wanted to have a whole nother debate society, if you weren’t going to make it illegal to interrogate the question so, you know, I’m stumble-bumbling through your answer because I don’t have a concrete answer for that. But, what I do personally, is, I look at my spiritual progenitors, who happen to be Assata Shakur and James Baldwin. I don’t mean everything they’ve written, Assata Shakur’s autobiography, and James Baldwin wrote a book called, ‘Tell Me How Long the Train’s Been Gone’, which was a book he wrote in 68. Its kind of a turning point, because its the first book in which the book itself makes an argument that the, I won’t say it celebrates, it brings into view, our struggle in some way. And then later the book ‘The Evidence of Things Not Seen’ about the Atlanta Child Murders, in which he finally moves away from love and makes a statement ‘this is what America does, it kills our children. It’s part of the DNA of America’. And so, one of the things I do, is I say to myself, ‘okay, so you got a book like Bladwin’s ‘Tell Me How long the Trains Been Gone’ you got a book like Assata Shakur’s autobiography, you got a book like Solomon Norhtorp’s ‘12 Years a Slave’ and what are the places that the book could have gone, but the writing was so afraid of, that it turned back onto the (inaudible) making of what it would be like if the writer was not Black. What are those places? What are they like structurally? And how can I then go into the abyss that they were too afraid to go into, because this is terrifying material, but more than likely what happens, I remember we started this conversation by saying our speech in always under coortion, normally when you are in a writing process of a book it is the editors and the publisher who put the kabosh on the kind of open ended, non-reconciliation. So, they make you, like, ‘you won’t publish this unless you show us some way that things are going to get better’. So, we are just not allowed to imaging that on the page. And so, I feel that it’s my duty to go further that they could, even if I don’t know exactly how I’m going to do that. And then, You will come along, and go further than I could.

QH: I really appreciate that articulation, and I think a lot about the folks who you referenced, specifically James Baldwin, he’s got this essay ‘Sonny’s Blues’ in which he talks about, it’s this fictionalized narrator talking about his brother who is a drug addict and a jazz player and, they always had this tension between them because the narrator is a school teacher and he has lived a straight path, with his family, but he goes and he see Sonny play and he talks about going to the Jazz club and being washing in water when he is listing to this music, going deeper into the water. And, I think that for me, is evidence that this space exists, this acknowledgement that this space exists. And, I think that when you talk about this redemptive arc, the radicalness of the ability to speak to (the fact that) there is this space of, what you describe as the abyss. I’d like to circle back to when you are talking about the Epss family in ‘12 Years a Slave’, and when you are talking about these moments of familial pleasure. There is a quote in the book that the family is ‘in their pleasure’. And when you talk about his gratuitous violence and this pleasure as entangled with one another, the term that you use to describe this is ‘jouissance’. And so, I am wondering if you would be able to speak a bit to how, first, how  joissance operates in these scenes, but I’m really really interested to hear how you talk about why jouissance and violence are necessary familial fixture to whites and civil society.

FW: You got all of them today huh? (laughter) (exhales) Oh boy! (more laughter) Umm yeah I should have known when I signed up with a debater (laughter) I’m giving you a backhanded compliment. Okay so the first point, I’m going to ask your comrades to do a little more work on this. There’s a tiny little book called (A Beginners Guide to:)Lacan, that’s all it’s titled. And the writer is (Lionel) Bailey B-a-i-l-e-y, and it’s also an audiobook. Because whenever I do the psychoanalytic stuff, I kind of have to go back and so some of the things I’m going to say are not completely flesh out. Part of the problem with the word ‘jouissance’ is that its a French word that doesn’t fully translated into english, and so its a mode of pleasure from the unconscious, but one feels it in the body. But English translations typically translate it as enjoyment, but in French, it kind of means that, but it’s much more nuanced. But it also has a jurisprudential meaning so that when you put the two together, it turns into the enjoyment of one’s property. I mean really crude. Part of why I want people to know that book is you have to understand how an English language translation-, what sense it makes of that word, what sense Lacan makes of that word, and what does it really mean in French in terms of jurisprudential meaning as well as psychoanalytic meaning. But, let’s for simplicity’s sake, talk about the pleasure of the uncious and bring in what Lacan means because he is borrowing from legal statutes also that it’s a propertied enjoyment. So this is part of the argument and I would encourage your comrades to read more of David Marriott also, because where Black people exist in a kind of day-to-day life, your a student, I’m a professor, your a debater, I go to the gym whatever, that’s how we talk about ourselves, but where we exist in the collective unconscious, we exist as properties for the fulfillment of enjoyment and… I’ve kind of lost something, help me out Quinn, to come back to your question.

QH: Why Jouissance is a constitutive element of the white familial relationship and witness as an ontological entity.

FW: In chapter 6 of ‘Black Skin White Masks’, Fannon makes the argument that the Black imago is an image, so a property image, that is available to resolve all the conflicts of white philiation. And what he means by that, is that living in a nuclear family has a kind of oppressive hydraulics, or a better word would be repressive hydraulics, because we don’t want to think too negatively about the hydraulics, because repression used in political circles is a bad thing, but repressionsued psychoanalytically is simply a necessary thing to allow the subject to have a relation with other subjects. So, you and I have been experiencing, for the past hour and 15 minutes, the most intense form of repression because we have not allowed ourselves to let speech slip into primary process of signification, so grammar is a major major repressive apparatus. There is word that I have trouble pronouncing, conseguity, which this the rules of engagement in a family, who can marry whom, in some cultures you can marry a second cousin, in some cultures, like, you know, the royalty of Russia, Germany and England, up into the fist 30 years of the 20th century, you can marry first cousins, I mean, you had to do that so that royal blood stayed around. So there are rules of what you can do, who you can have sex with, who you can marry, what are the rules of power sharing, within the nuclear family. And just like what you can do with a verb, what you can do with a noun, what you can do with a predicate, they have rules, and see, these are all repsressive apparti which allow for communal existence. That’s not a good thing or a bad thing, that just a thing that allows for communal existence. But, it also puts anxiety into the unconscious modes, processes of signification, because unciousis processes of signification want to do what they want to do when they want to do it. So if you couple all of what I’m saying, because I just made a generic argument, and now you bing in politics and power and you circle back through Fannon’s chapter six, where you have a naturally occurring apparatus of repression, called the nuclear family, or any family, but in that naturally occurring apparatus of oppression, you have situation in which you have a heavy power imbalance so that the name of the father, the patriarch, has most legitimacy and the least the daughter, and the son somewhere in between. And what it means, is that that’s going to make everyone a nice happy smiley family on the outside, and inside there is going to be in the unconscious, various modes of rebellion. And, inorder to get past that rebellion so that rebellion doesn’t destroy the structure, lets just work on the western family right now, the wester white family has to work through what’s called the ‘process proppor edipolization’, where girls learn how to become good mothers, boys put aside the desire to take the father’s place now at the age of 3, 5 and 6, because they know, at the age of 18, they will take the father’s place in another dynamic. But, in the meantime, this pressure produces aggressivity, does that make sense?

QH: Yes, yes, mm-hmm!

FW: So if you and I have aggressivity (inaudible) we still have the hydraulics of grammar. We can just go write a poem or sing a nonsensical song, but if you have aggressivity due to the repressive apparatus of a nuclear family, and the distribution of power is unethical in they ways it is is shared, then there could be an internal combustion. And so, that aggressivity that is typically what Fanon- it is experienced in all children but let’s just stick with the girl child because its experienced most severly in the girl child, needs a grounding wire, like an electrical grounding wire, and it needs a destination to take out the rage, that it doesn’t even know it has, but it feels, that would otherwise be against the father. And what Fanon is saying, is that the Black image, and then the Black person, is like an object that is always available for that. And so, that objecthood is available for that kind of aggressivity and the the performance of that aggressivity can also, at that same time, can produce a sense of ‘ahhhh’ elation. I’m crude here, that’s why I want you comrades to read the book, you know, its an orgasmic feeling that comes from whipping somebody, an orgasic feeling that comes from watching Tarzan and Jane massacre the natives. And that is the jouissance and the imago is the component of the property aspect of the French word. Now that’s not uncommon, it happens all over the world, but the thing is that the Black formation has no people other than other Black people to perform that, to send that agressivity to and put it on in a violent or unethical way. So we are simply objects that look like and talk like subjects, who are objects available as the destination of aggressivity that can become joy in its performance. This is what makes the videos of Black people getting murdered, a double edged sword, because they also produce a sense of pleasure at the same time that they are dramatizing horror. 

QH: So it’s that moment of anxious release almost like the moment- almost like any other ways in which aggression is dispersed, whether you are punching a pillow-, but, in this instance it is a very nuanced and specific ritual within civil society that makes that necessary. And so, what’s interesting to me, is when you talk about the paradigm that you described in the second portion when you write, in the book, you write this part about vertigo, and in that section, you say that the Black self is at war with itself because it is torn between a projected hate toward the Black imago and a love for the white ideal. And so, I am thinking about Saidiya Hartman’s latest work in which the talks about these communities of love and care that come out of waywardness, and I’m thinking a bit about Chritina Sharpe’s work about love that happens in the wake, and I’m thinking about Fred Moten’s articulation of Moanin as a way of thinking about care and social life that spills out of the white gaze. And so, I’m wondering, if you think-, if this war in the imago that is happening within the Black imtermural, if you think that that can be altered with care and if you think that that can be changed with social life and if you think that is a paradigm that can be altered with that articulation of love and community, or if you think that is a necessary integral social life formation that allows the Black intramural to exist in the first place?

FW: So what is the-, let me say what I think and I didnt get the second part, say the second question, if you would, again?

QH: You establish that the Black self if at war with the Black imago through this kind of love for the white ideal, and you describe this, in your answer to the last question, as this is a paradigm that is happening within Black communities within the Black self, if I’m understanding you correctly, and so within these writers who are talking about love and care and these new epistemologies and these new possibilities for subjectivity that exist within moments of social life and care that happen in these different historical instances, that happen now, I’m wondering if you read these as having the potential to alter this violent relationship in the psyche, and if not, is it constitutive to…(the black self)

FW: First of all, I want to celebrate that as (inaudible), so they need to happen and they do something. But I’m cautious, and this is where I might differ from some of the writers that you mentioned, and I’m not entirely sure, I’m cautious to-, I would never say what they do, because, once you say what they do, that assumes something that I don’t believe to be true, which is to say that you can think now about Blacks as different from what it is now. You can act now in a way that resists the pigeonholing of the imago, and those are, you know, very important. I started ‘Wayward Lives (Becutiful Experiments) and then I gave it to a Black woman who needed it for her own, you know, personal growth and what she was going through, so I have to buy it again and get back to it, so let me not talk about that right now. But I don’t believe-, I think that in Hartman’s ‘Scenes of Subjection’, what she argues is that merriment, stealing away, which is to say yourself as piece of property, going to the next plantation to marry someone, or just have fun, these are all-, playing an intument like Solomon Norrthrup did, and dancing, these all important episodes of social life and intramural conversation and relations, but they don’t pierce the bubble of social death. This is part of the debate that you all might have seen between (Jared) Sexton and (Fred) Moten, when Sexon wrote ‘The Social Life of Social Death’. I would call them provisional and important, but we can’t really say that they are essential. And, I’m talking to you and debaters who have read this stuff very thoroughly, this is not the kind of thing I would say at a Black community center, for example. Subjectivity is an impossible destination for Blackness, because, subjectivity is, by its very nature, its first principle is that, to be a subject is to be elaborated by the symbolic order, first, and then to be disciplined by the violence of that order second. And so this is the actual inverse of Black elaborations. Black elaborations is the actual inverse of that. We are elaborated and positioned by gratuitous violence, and then the words get piled on after that. And so, if you’re going to be very rigorous or precise, then subjectivity is going to be the very antithesis of Blackness. There will be something else on the other side, but it won’t be subjectivity, but I don’t know really- and it will only come into being when we have, kind of, cataclysmic revolution which makes for the next day where there are no Blacks, and no humans, and a different paradigm will come into existence. And, I don’t think anyone can imagine or write a sentence about what that would be, because thought is contained in the paradigm from which it emerges.

QH: That’s really interesting to me and that leads me to my next set of questions, specifically when we talk about these moves to the other side, as you articulated, the other side, where there is no subjectivity and there is no Blackness. One question that has been occupying everyone’s minds within the last few weeks has been this question of police brutality and specifically regarding the responses to this violence. We talked about earlier, the burning of the Minneapolis police department, I’m wondering how you as an afropessimist read the Minneapolis city council’s move to dismantle the police, whatever that means in its execution, but that rhetorical statement. I think there is a portion in the book, or maybe it was in another interview I watched with you, where you said, dismantling the police, if I understand you correctly, you said, dismantling the police is a necessary measure, police are killing Black folks in the moment, and I would agree with that, and I also recognize that there is a tension between civil society being terminally anti-black, so I’m really curious as to how you read these steps in dismantling what present themself as the state or violence within this context.

FW: I don’t have a point for point pilgrim’s progress as to how that would come about, because afropessimsim, to get back to your earlier statement, is a big ear trumpet, it’s a listening device which hears Black speech in those moments, when it is not beholden or concerned about its-, here’s the speech of Blackness right before death, in other words what would you say if-, like for example George Jackson’s last words, you know, that’s afropessimsim. It’s like, if you speak Black, you better be prepared to die. So, what you do is you really dont speak as Black, you speak in a kind of qualitative careful mode and I can’t say how you get from that to a change that I could actually say what it looks like, because all the discourses that you are dealing with as debaters, weather you are running the post colonial K, or the marxist K, or the femminsit K, just as rhetorical apparatus, they come with two gestures. One is the descriptive gesture, one is prescriptive gesture, which answers (inaudible) question of weather it be done, which is why they lend themselves so nicely to debate tournaments. But, afropessimsim only comes with the description of Black suffering. It doesn’t really come with a prescription, or a vision of what that would look like on the other side. Precisely because, all of those other discourses have the subjects of oppression, being those subjects after they’re liberated, but in a liberated zone in a liberated way. The emacaptatory dream, or possibility of apropessimsim undos or, there is no more Black and there is no more human, it’s a total cataclysmic-, there are sentient beings, what will they be? So, that’s part of it. The other part is, I’m kind of lying by omission when I say, because my speech is coerced even though people think I speak freely, right, if I-, this might be my last interview if I speak freely. What I’m saying is, I’m not against police brutality, which is correct, I’m against the police. But, you have to read that statement symptomatically, because what it really means is, I’m against the country. And then if you read that symptomatically, I’m against the world. I’m against anyone’s capacity to turn limitless space into namable place, and everyone’s capacity to transform endless duration into the event. There is no other discourse that is that iconoclastic. It’s the kind of spacialization that has its book on the neck of the Indian. Its the kind of temporality that has its boot on the neck of the worker, it’s not the end of the capacity of spacialization, it’s not the end of the capacity for the event, that these subjected entities are against, and so, it’s really great that you asked me to read the passage, because we actually circled full back to my grandmother, the end of the world not the end of the certain construction of an antithetical world but the end of world breaking capacity as we know it, and-, am I getting at all to what you are asking?

QH: I think it’s definitely helps a lot, it helps me a lot because I think the articulation that stands out to me-, and I think what you just articulated that really really helps me a lot is, just what you said, you describe this stance of aforpessimsim as being the stance of the capacity to turn endless duration into event the, capacity to turn space into town,into city, and so I think that what this makes me think of, for me personally, I am for police abolition, just as I am for geographical abolition, or just as I am for clock abolition, or just as that is all part of the movement of things that ought to be abolished if are aboltiong the world as you described it.

FW: I want for you and your folks to write down this woman; Teija, T-e-i-j-a, Mcdougal, and you will probably find her on facebook, because she is writing a dissertation now in which she actually goes right to temporality. And what we never remember when we look at a clock, is that 12 o’clock is a construction, there is no such thing as time. It’s the violent incursion of discursive labor into endless duration, there is just duration and then you make time, which is the event, and so very few people, she is writing a afropessimist dissertation on this, and what she is finding is that, conceptually, for the past three centuries, the conceptualization of temporality meaning moments on the clock, are intertwined with the vocabulary of worlds like ‘slave’ and ‘slave master’. It’s very very fascinating.

QH: What I’m curious to hear you talk about is how we move to the other side if that is possible, if that movement is possible and how you envision that taking place.

FW: Yeah I think that I would like to say something about that, I don’t really know, I mean, I’m the guy with the stethoscope, I’m doing the diagnostic. I would look to, especially your age group, people like you, to answer the question about praxis, and forward movement. And I think we should never trust a professor of any race, who wants to tell you about revolutionary praxis. By the time are are part of the academy, especially if you are in it 20-sum years like me, we are such milktoast, non-confrontational, in my case (inaudible), that we are worthless, with respect to, you know-, we get anxious when the energy is about to set it off, and it has to be set off, it has to be set off. And this is what the young people in Minneapolis knew, and I look at that as-, that burning of the police station, not as a political process, but as a gesture I can celebrate that moves towards what I’m talking about. How it does, I don’t know. But the only thing I do know is that where that connects with afropessimism, is that what we are saying is that the Black imagination needs to be set free. The Black imagination needs to be set free, so that it does not have to answer to the constraints or the principals of the imagination of others and that was a really important moment. I can’t say what that looks like on the other side. I mean even in paradigms that are based upon contingent violence, 400 years ago, I don’t think any philosopher any critical theorist, I mean, the intellectuals were ecclesiastes, they were monks of the church, and they didn’t- I dont think anyone could imagine that, ‘woah Jack, in another hundred years, feudal peasants as a thing that structures society, will be kicked to the curb, we are going to have this new species called worker and capitalist’. It took the revolution to make the imagination to instantiate the new paradigm and begin about the new species. What I will say, is that kind of violence is a prerequisite to thought. People think that Fanon, in ‘The Wretched of the Earth’, is a war monger and a terrorist. He is making a diagnosis, he is saying that structural change, which is not just, in the infrastructure, but is a change in how we think about ourselves and how we think about the world, violence is a prerequisite to thought, you simply don’t have a new world, which is new categories, which is new thinking, new ways of subjugation, new ways of living freely, without a cataclysmic form of violence that undoes the old world. And this is precisely what so called ‘progressives’ who think that they are being radical, when they use the word defund the police, as opposed to the phrase abolish the police, this is what they are really-, they are suffering from what Sexton calls the anxiety of antagonism, they-, “ugggh” they say, “this world is bad, but god damn” (laughter) “but what if- so let me tinker with it a little bit, you know because I don’t want-, you know” and as Saidiya Hartman told me when I was writing my dissertation, she was an intellectual brains on my committee, that no one wants to be as free as Black people will make them. They will be free of their culture, they will be free of their language, they will be free of their attachment to the land, they will be free of their God, they will be free. No one wants to be that free. We don’t want to be that free, but it’s imposed upon us as someone with nothing in a world with varying degrees of something. 

QH: Yeah, I think that’s really interesting, that idea of the end of freedom as being in a zone of frustration and violence as well. As we wrap up, I’ve got one final question for you. We have been talking a little bit about the debate community here and there, but one specific dialogue that’s been happening a lot is this idea of non-black debaters being able to pay large sums of money to Black folks to teach them afropessimsim (laughter) beating Black kids by calling them slaves and the whole nine yards. So, I’m wondering how you read these moments.You speak about them in the book, towards the end, I’m wondering how you read that?

FW: Well you all might have heard of Patrice Douglass (inaudible) don’t have a book out yet but we wrote a piece together in Black Scholar called ‘The Metaphysics of Violence’ (This is in reference to an article called ‘The Violence of Presence’ by Wilderson and Douglass) in a special issue of Black scholar, which was about Black philosophy. She will have a book out in the next five years, she teaches at Duke, and she asked me in a graduate seminar when she was still doing course work, ‘how do we keep afropessimsim Black?” And, it was a very shocking question, because, at the moment, I had to realize, we cant. I would like to, but just as our bodies and out music doesn’t belong to us, you know, what Hartman is saying is, when you do make merriment on the plantation, or when you steal away to the next plantation to see a loved one, those are you know, modes of the Black intramural, but they’re have not changed the general structure which is to say that which all you are are simply extensions of the master’s prerogative. And so, it happens much more slowly in written as analytical writing, as we  are talking about here, but you get some high power, cracker jack intellectuals like debaters, and they are going to figure out a way to steal it and mobilize it into something that is not about Black liberation. Just like white boys in the ghetto are more into hard core rap. In psychoanalysis terms it is called ‘to volumize one’s existence’. Black music and white performers turn me on more than white music because it gives me a sense of release and jouissance that can only come from the cultural annunciation of someone that has nothing. That’s why Black people are  used to energize rallies and multicultural political settings as long as we don’t talk about Black suffering in that setting. So, I don’t like it, I don’t like using the first principles of afropessimsim, using a K from afropessimsim, to articulate some kind of suffering from another group, but the sad thing about it is, is that afropessimsims belonged to them anyway. Just as we belonged to them. Now it, doesn’t mean you have to sit back and take it, it doesn’t mean I have to sit there and take it. In fact, Black debaters have, for the past 10 years, staged, various staged revolts on the plantation of debate, which I’m enthused and energized by.

QH: Thank you so much for that, that definitely gives a certain level of clarity that I think is very useful. The very very last thing before we have to take off, is I would like to know what gives you hope?

FW: I don’t know (laughter). To die not violently (laughter) I’m joking but I’m kind of serious. I hope that in my 80s I can have some money and live on an island somewhere and go swimming a lot. I’d be lying if I said it’s more conceptually coherent than that, because, what I’m trying to do is to not look at things. Whats happening, because I know I’m going to have to look at them, you know, like the murder of people who are Black. Because, I know I am going to have to look at them to write, and so, we are constantly bombarded with what Fanon called the cultural imposition into the Black psyche. And so, avoiding that is a large part of my daily praxis. You know, I wasn’t like that when I was your age, through my thirties, and part of my foruties, but I’m kind of winding down. I’m physically less able to. There was a time when I was afraid of having a fist fight with somebody, now I am. It’s that kind of thing. I have hope for the exponential proliferation of joy and rage that comes from people like you and your age group. That gives me hope.

QH: That’s really beautiful, I really appreciate that. My guess this evening has been Dr.Frank Wilderson, his new book, Afropessimsim, blends critical theory and memoir for a truly special piece of writing. Afropessimsim is published by Liveright publishing and is available now. Thank you so much for joining, it’s really been a pleasure to talk to you.

FW: Likewise Quinn, I hope we can meet in person one day.

The Labors of Black Women and a Note on Feminism

By: Leah Yeshitila, Dahlia Bekong and Michelle Grant 

Author’s note

To preface ~ trigger warning – this article contains discussions of sexual assault/exploitation, suicide, and anti-black violence.

This writing process has been long, tiring, and emotionally draining. All of us cried, learned, and grew in this trying process. The writing process began in early February when Leah first pitched the idea to other Black students, and it ended on May 23rd. It took a while to finally get started, but once we did, we worked as hard as possible. As we were writing this article, we experienced a mixture of dread, bone-tired exhaustion, tears and an inability to express how we feel into words. The inescapability of this labor and our attempts to articulate our microaggressions and oppressors represents our inability at times to express how we felt. That labor has been inescapable in the reproduction of our own understanding of the world. The process of producing this piece was laborious and requires an involved exploration into hardships that are unique to us and to black gender minorities. In recognizing the experience, we also realize a difference in the labors done for ourselves and the labors forced upon us by society. We gained self-appreciation just as we have educated ourselves through this labor. Often, we would shout “WAIT” while reading throughout books and articles by these talented Black authors, as we realized what Black female slaves experienced, or an articulation of what WE experience suddenly dawning on us. Other times, we would cry, realizing the efforts of Black women that came before us. We would even feel tired, exhausted, and out of ideas, not being able to articulate what we were feeling at that time anymore. While we have been writing this, Ahmaud Arbery (among many other Black people) was shot. We saw first hand how much media attention that gathered, yet a mere few days later, Breonna Taylor was shot in her own home 8 times. She did not get nearly enough attention, both in the media and in the minds of everyday Americans. The only difference was that she was a Black woman. Hundreds of Black women have died at the hands of police, but they are largely ignored, instead the image that comes to mind when most think of Black Lives Matter movement are men. Black women are fighting an uphill battle, to be seen, felt, and present. This is our group of Black women being heard. THIS is how we will be seen. This article is an analysis of Hartman, Spillers, Bey and Dr. Terrefe, as well as their real world applications. Black women have often looked for ways to express themselves and their sexuality, and this article is our way of doing just that. 15 pages, 6,864 words and 42,972 characters later, we give you “The Labors of Black Women and a Note on Feminism.”

Special thanks to Jayvyn Dacas, Iyana Trotman, Quinn Hughes, Zion Dixon and Temitope Ogundare for their contributions to this process!

Introduction: Into the Abyss

The gender is Black. Or so we are told. The intersectionality between Blackness and gender has long been ignored by society and, more importantly, debate. Often persons within academia and critical authors ignore the major role that gender plays in Blackness, one example being Frank Wilderson. The implications of attempting to frame Blackness as a genderless group ignores the multiplicities of anti-Blackness and their specific applications to Black women, non-binary and trans women. This is counterintuitive for both Black men, who under analyze all of the instances in which anti-Black violence can manifest, and Black gender minorities, whose particular violence is glossed over by academia and the world alike. While Afropessimism does attempt to engage in a deep analysis of Blackness and how anti-Black structures prevent Blackness from prospering within the world, it does not sufficiently analyze gender and gender roles and how they prop up these structures. Black folk have experienced different forms of anti-Blackness depending on their gender, so for us to have a complete picture of how anti-Blackness functions, we require an analysis of these different forms. This article examines the different ways antiblackness operates in specificity to gender, as well as how to combat and acknowledge these discrepancies in everyday discussions.

Black Motherhood & the Birth  of America

“The slave ship is a womb/abyss.” At the very beginning of “The Belly of the World,” Hartman creates the distinction between the conflation of Blackness and Black women, as their experiences within and throughout the Middle Passage as well as slavery were distinct. When we think of the Middle Passage, we visualize Black bodies stuffed in the underbellies of ships and transported across the Atlantic. In Saidiya Hartman’s work, within The Belly of the World, she makes a distinct claim about slavery, antiblackness, the Middle Passage, and what that meant for Black women. Within the underbellies of the slave ship lay bodies that were fungible to White America. These bodies were ripped from their homes and loved ones, the same way when a Black child is born, they are ripped from their mothers. As we analyzed this particular quote, we also came across the common association of womanhood to comfort and maternal love that Hartman also seems to imply. When a Black mother is pregnant, the Black child is nurtured and cared for within the womb, but metaphorically as the child passes the birth canal, they are thrown into an antiblack society with no care for the relationship between this Black mother and Black baby. This is also evident within the experiences of Blackness being metaphorically shuttled in the underbelly or womb in the slave ship into an antiblack society as well. Secondly, this idea of the slave ship being an abyss also calls into question what literally and metaphorically happened when Blackness entered the slave ship. The slave ship is metaphorically a black hole, in that there is no escape from the horrors of the antiblack America that was the destination, as well as the entrapment that would lead to centuries of antiblack violence and microaggressions that would follow. Specifically for feminity, it would lead to the robbery of femininity and womanhood from Black women, especially as the stereotypes and production of antiblackness exacerbated. Black motherhood is the site of Blackness, which in turn makes it the site of labor, production, and violence. As Hartman continues to elaborate on that claim, she states,“What it created and what it destroyed has been explicated by way of gendered figures of conception, birth, parturition, and severed or negated maternity.”  Hartman’s elaboration of the formation of the Black womb as simultaneously the slave ship and the abyss provides a haunting explanation of maternity for Black children. While non-Black conceptualizations of femininity center around maternity as its defining characteristic, Black women are stripped of this luxury. The Middle Passage’s transformation of the African to Black flesh sparks the reproductive cycle of white America that feeds on Blackness, both physically through the labor that Black flesh provides for white America’s development, and metaphysically through the negation of humanity that is necessary to justify the prior aspect. However, the production of Blackness through the literal Middle Passage is an event that cannot necessarily be repeated to the extent that the development of white America needs it to be in order to continue using Blackness as a steady and reliable source of labor. For this, the production of Blackness is assigned to the wombs of Black women, which then marks the divergence of the essentiality of womanhood between Black women and non-Black women. Maternity, the bond and nurturing between a mother and her child, becomes severed for the purposes of keeping this cycle of reproduction intact. Erasure of the intimacy between the Black mother and her child becomes essential to the existence of white America in order to continue the maintenance of Blackness as an ontological category defined by its strippage of humanity and reduction into flesh. In fact, this aspect becomes essentialized within Black womanhood. Hartman’s focus on “gendered figures” being created within Blackness for the sole purpose of “conception, birth, parturition, and severed or negated maternity” details that Black womanhood no longer becomes defined by maternity, but instead by the removal of intimacy within maternity between mother and child, as the child no longer becomes her baby but another Black figure in white America. Black women, being closest to the scene of their children’s birth and the removal of maternity that came with it, recognized the implications of having a Black child in this setting. As a result, they implemented forms of resistance that worked around, beside, and against the dynamics of their stolen motherhood, which Harman recounts:

“Certainly we know that enslaved women fled the plantation, albeit not in as great numbers as men; poisoned slaveholders; plotted resistance; dreamed of destroying the master and his house; utilized abortifacients rather than reproduce slaves; practiced infanticide rather than sentence their children to social death, the auction block, and the master’s bed; exercised autonomy in suicidal acts; gave birth to children as testament to an abiding knowledge of freedom contrary to every empirical index of the plantation; and yearned for radically different ways of being in the world.” 

Hartman explains that Black women utilized their unique position as the birther of blackness to revolt and participate in uprisings and Black Radicalism, highlighted in the quote above. One specific tactic that is uniquely interesting is how Black women practiced infanticide instead of binding their Black babies into slavery. Hartman explains this practice as a way to avoid inevitable, “social death.” As Killimonger once famously said, “Bury me in the ocean with my ancestors that jumped from ships because they knew death was better than bondage.” Black women made the conscious decision to terminate their pregnancies because they believed that death was better than damning their children into the shackles and horrors of slavery. Black women who practiced infanticide truly pursued and embraced Afropessimism, as they not only could not see the possibility of progress for themselves, but could not foresee a world where their children would be in a better position or different position then they were then. By practicing infanticide or suicide, they took back their autonomy to maternity and womanhood.

These instances of resistance have often eluded the attention of leaders, writers, and scholars dedicated to the mission of Black Radicalism. This remains the same for scholars engaged in an analysis of Blackness through the lens of Afropessimism.“It has proven difficult, if not impossible, to assimilate Black women’s domestic labors and reproductive capacities within narratives of the Black worker, slave rebellion, maroonage, or Black radicalism, even as this labor was critical to the creation of value, the realization of profit and the accumulation of capital.” With this, Hartman outlines the precarious and cruel duality between the necessity and hatred of Black women. While Black women were necessary for the production of Black flesh, which directly translated into capital for the south, they themselves also needed to be subject to unique forms of violence that were necessary to reduce the specialized potential of Black women to provide capital. It is this duality that creates the situation in which the “captive female body, according to Spillers, ‘locates precisely a moment of converging political and social vectors that mark the flesh as a prime commodity of exchange.’” These converging vectors, however, require Black women to simply remain as an exchange commodity from which the wealth of Black flesh flows outward. The portrayal of Black women as people who actively resisted being merely a commodity is antithetical to them being a representation of surplus capital that was essential to the development of the global economy. “Reproductive labor, as the scholars Hortense Spillers, Jennifer Morgan, Dorothy Roberts, Alyss Weinbaum, and Neferti Tadiar note, is central to thinking about the gendered afterlife of slavery and global capitalism.” Through the inheritance of the role as slave ship/abyss by the Black woman’s womb, Hartman outlines another feature of Black womanhood which gives it unique power over the development of not just the United States, but the modern economy: Blackness as profit. Just as Black women are the site and birthplace of blackness, that in turn makes the Black mother’s womb the site of capital and production. Black women’s maternal ability allowed them to become especially important in the continuation of civil society, as they birthed the bodies necessary to do the labor to produce capital in the South. The South’s economy wholeheartedly relied on blackness and the labor of slaves, but the production site for those slaves were the reproductive systems within the Black female slave, making her quite possibly the most valuable asset. Black women became the sites of slavery and just as the South depended on slaves, it also depended on Black women’s reproductive capabilities. We have discussed how Black women were exploited for their reproductive capabilities, but exploitation came in multiple forms for Black women, literally and metaphorically. Hartman continues about the struggles of being a Black woman on the plantation as she notes, “Forced to labor for the “satisfaction of the immediate needs” of their owners and overseers, however, those needs were defined, the captive female body was subjected to innumerable uses. It could be converted into cash, speculated and traded as commodity, worked to death, taken, tortured, seeded, and propagated like any other crop, or murdered.” Black women were exposed to numerous forms of exploitation, not just for the production of slaves, but also for receiving the brunt of physical and psychological abuse. This variety in uses of Black women depicts their fungibility, since they are able to inhabit numerous positions where they are subject to violence or management to soothe the ego of both Black and non-Black people. However, this fungibility extends beyond simply opening up Black women to the type of violence needed to uphold the material and metaphysical labor of giving birth to the Black child. “This reproductive labor not only guaranteed slavery as an institutional process and secured the status of the enslaved, but it inaugurated a regime of racialized sexuality that continues to place Black bodies at risk for sexual exploitation and abuse, gratuitous violence, incarceration, poverty, premature death, and state-sanctioned murder.” Here Hartman makes an interesting claim about how racialized sexuality uniquely opens a way for Black women to be subject to sexual exploitation. Because a Black woman lack symbolic value, the sexual violence that black women experience simply continues to structure and institution of slavery and her cried and screams are never heard. Masters often raped or sexually assaulted female slaves as a way of controlling them, a specific type of plantation violence that most Black men did not experience. Hyper-sexualization and fetishization continues to be an ongoing problem for Black women, as well as a tool for hate crimes and subjugation. Slave women often did domestic chores within white households which created a space where they could be sexually exploited. This lack of symbolic value is what often leads to the abjection of Black women in Civil Society. In Speaking the Hieroglyph, by Dr. Selamawit D. Terrefe, an Assistant professor at Tulane University, does a distinct analysis on the positionality of Black womanhood. 

“Spillers’ reading of the Black father’s loss of “mimesis” demonstrates how Black fathers   (as well as Black sons, daughters, and non-binary children) can adopt white scopic pleasures. These pleasures are constituted by an id that has repressed the banishment of Black “female flesh,” and the Black maternal by extension, from the category of Other: a category of negation as well as representation. Hence, if the Black mother and woman as subject or sexual object-choice is neither foreclosed to a white Other nor available in the Symbolic and socio-cultural registers to Black children or object-choices, this double bind constitutes her abjected body and image.”

The first part is a claim that Black fathers are losing the ability of self-expression, which is a result of multiple factors, ranging from anywhere to media, and societal pressures to remain guarded and Black women are expected to prop up Black men, empower them, and support our niggas. A question arises though, who supports Black women? Who has our backs? This quote goes on to say how Black fathers and men can adopt “white scopic pleasures “ which means they develop pleasure in white people and especially white women. Being attracted to whiteness in opposition Black women is a symbolic sign that our flesh is unwanted, which also translates to a rejection of Black maternal care as well. A justification for this rejection stems from an analysis Fanon does. Fanon critiques the ego, and specifically the example that applies to the mirror stage, i.e. when you look in the mirror you only see what white desires have been projected onto you. Lack of self or expression of self means these white desires are projected and they fulfill these white desires. This can be explained through a lifetime of being told blackness is unwanted, so as an attempt to cope they turn to others or white desires.

Blackness, Transness, & the Legitimacy of Western Governance

“The Negro community has been forced into a matriarchal structure which, because it is so far out of line with the rest of American society, seriously [slows] the progress of the group as a whole, and imposes a crushing burden on the Negro male and, in consequence, on a great many Negro women as well.” Hartman’s citation of Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s “Negro Family” report illustrates the simultaneous difficulty and hypocrisy of the universal application of the nuclear family as the most beneficial family structure. When taking into account the utilization of Black women simultaneously as the source of Black child-as-labor, whose birth comes pre-packaged with the removal of subjectivity, and as a means to separate mother from child, further complicating any sense of humanity by distancing the Black child from a heritage that could be used to trace back and discover some evidence of such, it becomes increasingly obvious why it was impossible for Black communities to perfectly replicate the patriarchal structure which has become the defining feature of the West. The prevention of what could quickly become the ideal Black “family”, as opposed to the Negro Family that Moynihan describes, comes from the combination of a continued loss of humanity ensured by the Black woman as womb/abyss and the lack of a clear patriarchal figure in the form of either an estranged African father or the captor-as-father who bastardizes the Black child. The Western conception of family as “the vertical transfer of a bloodline, of a patronymic, of titles and entitlements, of real estate and the prerogatives of ‘cold cash,’ from fathers to sons” contextualizes the severity of the loss of the African father. This loss reduces the capability to accumulate and pass on wealth in an accepted sense, leaving the Black mother as the only figure recognizable in the formulation of the Black family. As a result, Black families shift to the matriarchal structure found in Moynihan’s report. “The ‘exception’ in this instance tends to be overwhelming, as the African-American female’s ‘dominance’ and ‘strength’ come to be interpreted by later generations- both Black and white, oddly enough – as a ‘pathology,’ as an instrument of castration.”  Hartman makes it clear that while the matriarchal structure of the Black family provides an alternative to the nuclear family, the lack of a patriarchal structure is something that is resented even by Black people themselves. The estrangement from non-Western familial structures means that the only familial structure we can see as replicable is the one presented by the West, which forces Black people into the situation of attempting to replicate the nuclear family but being unable to do so. However, Hartman’s analysis introduces the possibility of Blackness to question Western-normative conceptions of family. Signaled by Moynihan’s overwhelming need to label the Negro family as regressive, we are able to investigate how Black families have the unique, and, to the West, rather dangerous potential to disrupt the narrative of the preferential nuclear family and gender; how “human cargo of a slave vessel- in the fundamental effacement and remission of African family and proper names- offers a counter-narrative to notions of the domestic.”

Marquis Bey offers a more in-depth analysis of the potential of Blackness to not only evade Western-normative conceptions of gender, but to rupture it completely. “I come to blackness and trans*-ness by way of refusal, fugitivity, anoriginality, para-ontology, and eruption. Trans* and Black thus denote poetic, para-ontological forces that are only tangentially, and ultimately arbitrarily, related to bodies said to be Black or transgender.” In this description, Bey borrows from Fred Moten’s theory of para-ontology to describe Blackness as a force that disrupts ontology by simultaneously inhabiting ontological exclusion, relegated towards Blackness to suture the rest of the world’s ontological stability in opposition to it, and possessing the capability of social life, not in relation to the rest of the world but to itself. Blackness uses this potential for social life within its ontological exclusion to rupture the divide between those with subjectivity under ontology and those without it, continuously “rubbing up alongside it and causing it to fissure”. Fugitivity, the continuous escape from relegation to social death evident in Black culture/intellectualism, then becomes essential to Blackness. It refuses to remain complacent within the category of ontologically dead nor alive, preferring instead to wreak havoc among these concepts. It subverts ontology’s focus on the protection of the human self, opting instead to revel in the unique nature of itself. Even when defining what Blackness looks like do we fail to truly grasp it. “Trans* and Black, however, as fundamentally para-ontological do not discredit the materiality of ontic subjects who are characterized by and through these identificatory markers.” Despite having origins in the realm of ontology, Bey clarifies that those who have access to Black and trans as identificatory markers may still wield the para-ontological potential of these categories despite their material manifestations. Although they are distinct categories, the way they can manifest fails to be defined through strict guidelines, which can clearly be seen not only in the numerous ways Black culture has evolved since its inception but also in the millions of unique people of either category that exist today. However, Bey continues with the explanation of para-ontology by distinguishing its implications for Blackness from its implications for trans-ness: “I would nuance Cohen’s assertion with gender-nonconforming bodies’ situatedness in a gender-normative space, a hegemonic grammar that utterly disallows the very possibility of transgender; thus their very existence in a space that is constituted through the assertion of the impossibility of trans* and nonnormative bodies are, by virtue of their inhabitation of public space, radical.” Bey elaborates that while trans-ness, too, is para-ontological by virtue of its existence, it is only radical in the context of gender being a rigid binary. We can then say that the para-ontological nature of trans-ness possesses the capability for a different type of rupture: the rupture of a binary gender system that desires a claim to a static subject. Bey says as much when they assert that “Trans* breaks open—ever the fugitive who despises hir confinement, who, indeed, can’t be confined—even the categories of transgender via engaging in a kind of “guerrilla” (em)bodying”. To clarify, this does not mean that trans people are not inherently confident in how they identify, or that a lack of confidence is a reason to invalidate them, but that the possibility to be constantly changing how an ontological subject materializes when they are supposed to abide by a static gender binary threatens those staked in their reproduction solely for the potential of gender-based exploitation. In fact, lack of confidence or a desire to experiment with gender identity is something Bey revels in, both for the benefit of those who feel the need to and those working to disrupt hegemonic conceptions of gender: “‘Sometimes the shit stays messy,’ Maggie Nelson writes of her partner Harry Dodge, who insists of their gendered subjectivity, ‘I’m not on my way anywhere’ (Nelson 2015: 52–53).” Sometimes the shit really does stay messy. In response, niggas stay mad.

However, while the rupturing of a rigid, binary gender system is beneficial for those who desire an alternative to cisheteronormativity, it does not address the question of its implications for those outside of the protection of ontology. The redefining of how an ontological subject can materialize is only accessible for those who are subjects in the first place. This presents a variety of problems. First, does the possibility of trans and gender-nonconforming people to rupture cisheteronormativity differ based on the presence of ontological subjectivity or a lack thereof? Second, do the reactions to this rupture differ depending on this presence? And finally, does ontological exclusion change the implications of rupturing cisheteronormativity? These three questions fundamentally deal with the interactions between trans-ness & Blackness. To begin to answer the first question, I look towards Bey’s description of Blackness and trans-ness in relation to the West: “Black and trans* bodies speak to and as metonymic flashes of the poetic forces of blackness and trans*-ness insofar as they are imagined as “an alternative statement, as a counterstatement to American culture/civilization, or Western culture/civilization”. While they both attempt to escape from the confines of hegemony that ontology comes packaged with, the extent to which they do so is predicated on the idea of whether or not the ontological subject is something that can be salvaged. The para-ontological potential for rupture in trans-ness is not so much focused on the elimination of the ontological subject but a reconfiguration of how a subject can express themselves. The rationale for gender-based violence & exploitation towards non-Black trans bodies is much different than that of anti-Black violence; in fact, they are complete opposites.While anti-Black violence is motivated by a desire to constantly eliminate the contradiction of social life within ontological death, pushing them out of the realm of ontology’s protections, violence is committed towards queer bodies in an effort to keep expressions of the ontological subject constant through a sort of forceful manner of pulling-in those that wish to stray away from expressions that are cisheteronormative in nature. While one could argue whether this pulling-in is done to maintain a cispatriarchal society or even to further invest in what Edelman calls “reproductive futurism”, these arguments would not change the fact that non-Black queer bodies will always have a foot in ontology’s door. Control over expressions of ontological subjectivity is predicated on the fact that they have access to that subjectivity in the first place; because of that, there will always be the opportunity to change the way subjects can express themselves. In the case of reproductive futurism, one could argue that queer bodies will always have violence done against them within a society that values politics emblemized by the protection of the Child. However, the existence of the Child & the structures meant to protect it, e.g. the nuclear family, is the result of conceptions of ontology that have arisen from and have been spread by Western imperialism. The expansion of accepted subject expression is something that non-Black queer bodies always have the possibility to invest in by virtue of them being non-Black. This allows white trans bodies, and to a lesser extent, non-Black trans bodies, to invest in homonationalism, which incorporates the expansion of subject expression to further justify racist, xenophobic, imperialist, and classist actions through framing themselves as moral because of their inclusion of non-Black queer people, with adequate returns. Within acts like these is a simultaneous exchange that is predicated on mutual ontological subjectivity: recognition of queer subjectivity that frames certain people as ideal examples of how queer bodies should express themselves, and structures of governance formed by the West that are given moral legitamacy by the strategic expansion of the project of ontology. This is not to say that Black people are unable to invest these structures. On the contrary, it is preferable for these structures to have Black people continuously attempt to invest in them without giving credence to the counterstatement of Blackness as a para-ontological force. However, Black people are unable to access the same returns offered to those that have access to ontological subjectivity. As a result, anti-Black violence remains continuous, while cisheteronormativity is sutured by the inclusion of a select few through homonationalism.

For a moment, let us return to Moynihan’s report. The comparison of the “Negro family” to the nuclear family structure that Moynihan implies to be beneficial simultaneously belittles the lived experiences of Black people to adapt to their circumstances while tempting them with the possibility of respect were they to abide by the nuclear family structure. But what if they refused to do so? Moten describes Blackness as “that desire to be free, manifest as flight, as escape, as a fugitivity that may well prove to veer away even from freedom as its telos, [and] is indexed to anoriginal lawlessness”. While some Black people have and do subscribe to Western-normative conceptions of gender and sexuality as a matter of survival, we have also shown the potential to break away from and revolutionize Western culture. The ability for Blackness to create and maintain alternative ways of life is a long standing feature that has made the African diaspora one of the most influential events in academia. Is it so hard to believe that Black people could be the forerunners of breaking away from cisheteronormativity? However, a problem arises concerning the legitimacy of this fugitivity. For ontological subjects, breaking away from cisheteronormativity means expanding the possibilities of how ontological subjecthood can be expressed. Those without subjecthood are not granted credence for this breakaway since it cannot be used as a signal of the moral legitimacy of the state since the state is focused on the protection of the ontological subject. In fact, the rupture of cisheteronormativity from the perspective of Blackness becomes a threat to this moral legitimacy. To remain a believer in Blackness means to be “volatile, characterized by volatility and dehiscence”. Opening up the possibility for alternative forms of life accessible to ontological subjects but continuously exposed by those lacking subjectivity presents a serious quandary to Western modes of governance. Not only does it question the placement of Blackness into the position of ontological death by the West, but also questions the West as an authority for what sort of expressions of subjecthood are possible. The nuclear family suddenly comes forth as being a questionable structure. The threat of Black trans people as being “unresponsive to the governance that it calls and the governments that it rouses” provides an opening for Blackness to disinvest in Western governance, and tempts those who are aware of the implications of this breakaway to disinvest as well. This is because of the lack of a moral incentive to convince people about the natural superiority of the nuclear family, and in turn, other social constructs that the West has created. When thinking critically about what it means to be trans and how to fully escape the confines of cisheteronormativity, we should keep in mind how “eruptive blackness is, especially when met with hegemonic institutions”. The mere existence of Black trans bodies slights the idea of universal norms the West pressures us to adhere to in the name of progress. Intimate support for those discovering themselves, art and writing detailing the lives of those who live in spite of these pressures, movements to guarantee access to transitioning in a world where they most likely need it more than anyone else – all of these open up further questions about the ends to which governance offers protection to certain groups. The complications that Black trans bodies brew in the delicately-weaved narratives supporting hegemony makes the elimination of them a prime objective for the West. In order to maintain the structure of its hegemony, they have and continue to be marked as a target for complete and utter annihilation, unable to serve the purpose of adhering to the static conception of Blackness as ontologically dead that the West requires to function. Even though we may not be able to fully recover those that have been annihilated in the wake of this mission, recognition of their liberatory potential – not only from cisheteronormativity, but Western governance as a whole – may further break down the means of this annihilation and prevent it from occurring in the future.

What To Do From Here

The way this articulation of anti blackness affects Black gender minorities is key to understanding the specifics of suffering faced by Black women. The often totalizing nature of focusing on blackness as an ungendered entity reproduces a forced ungendering of Black women which can make discourse about anti-blackness more exclusive. Gender is an axis of expression that is a necessary factor in creating the concept of the slave. To garner an in-depth understanding of how the repercussions of slavery affects the modern experience of Black women, it is necessary to evaluate gender as a factor in anti-Black violence, especially since particular violence that affects Black women and gender minorities are overlooked in discourse to solve “larger” Black issues. Black queer folks and Black women are often expected to have to separate these aspects of themselves. To make a choice in advocating for blackness or another aspect of their identity.  This further creates a restriction on the possibility of the expression of gender and sexuality as well as outlines the conflict of the matriarchal structure of Black communities. Often, Black people are seen as a homogeneous group. This ignores the multiplicities of subgroups within this beautiful, dark congregation known as Blackness. Black women are necessary to the continuation of civil society, as they birth the capital needed to fund and work: Black children. Though Black women are needed for civil society to function, they are also despised, hair stroked by white women, made fun of for their “gorilla lips,” ghetto dialect, skin bleaching, and 0 representation of dark skinned beauties in the media. Black women are at the bottom of society, the most hated, yet they are the most necessary, this analysis is best described by Warren in Ontological Terror. Black women have the ability to be destructive and generative, like an atom. Mainstream feminism can often feel quite exclusive to Black women, as our experiences of antiblackness are shaped not only by men, but white women as well. Our relationship to feminism is different than any other woman. Trans Black women specifically, as their homicide and hate crime rates are the highest in the country. No one cares about Black women. No one understands. If you cannot relate personally to this article, then you do not  understand what it is like to be a Black woman, though for the purposes of this article, John Lennon released a song “Black Women are the Nigger of the World.” Comparing every woman to a “nigger” or a Black woman is an unequal equation. White women are not Black women, and Black women are not White women. Non-black women do not experience the same forms of antiblackness that Black women do, and it’s this specific grouping within feminism that is the problem. The lyrics of the song are particularly these lines are the most telling.“We make her paint her face and dance, If she won’t be a slave, we say that she don’t love us, If she’s real, we say she’s trying to be a man… We make her bear and raise our children, And then we leave her flat for being a fat old mother hen, We tell her home is the only place she should be, Then we complain that she’s too unworldly to be our friend, Woman is the nigger of the world, yes she is, If you don’t believe me take a look to the one you’re with, Oh woman is the slave to the slaves.” This last sentence specifically “Oh the women is the slave to the slaves,” is a perfect example to how society attempts to put people at a lower ontological status than a slave – here the example of “woman” is being used. Feminism, or Non-Black feminism is a true problem for Black women and trans-women. Just imagine feeling such hopelessness you cannot fathom a possible future for not only yourself but your children as well. They were pushed to committed suicide or even infanticide. This is the purest, most raw point of hopelessness.

In the Combahee River Collective Statement, Barbara Smith wrote that “if Black women were free, it would mean everyone else would have to be free since our freedom would necessitate the destruction of all the systems of oppression.” Although there are forms of oppression dependent on categories besides race and gender, it remains that Black women suffer the brunt of anti-Black and misogynistic violence due to the integral role their suffering played, and continues to play, in the development of America. This remains true regardless of the justifications behind this violence. To be able to liberate Black women & gender minorities from the position of suffering that the Middle Passage has put them in would mean a disestablishment of the logistical framework that America is built upon. A framework that focuses solely on productivity and dominance, from which global imperialist dreams are born and which within modern Eurocentric & cisheteronormative ideas ferment. We have written this article in an attempt to name and explain the violence Black women & gender minorities go through. This is not enough. Although we have done our best to analyze and add upon the theories touched over within this article, these theories would never be able to recognize the individual public and intimate moments of resistance that Black women & gender minorities create in an effort to survive. Some more well known than others, they exist in a variety of forms and places. To name these moments, to recognize the creation of life in a world constructed upon our continual death, is one of the biggest justices we can commit. However, this is still not enough. We must also acknowledge that these same systems of logistics that cause violence towards Black women hurt all of us in various ways. In order for us to dismantle these systems of oppression, we must strive for solutions that account for those found in the intersections of these systems. This means placing Black women as the focus when trying to alleviate oppression. This means remembering the ways Black women organized the earliest and most effective social justice movements. This means reading and evaluating the scholarly works of Black women & gender minorities, such as Hartman & Bey, the next time you want to make an alt for that Dean K. This means letting Black debaters inject their scholarship into the debate space without having three theory shells read against them. This means supporting and recognizing the work and effort of Black women. This means recognizing the importance of Black women outside of debate – Black mothers, grandmothers, politicians, writers, scholars and even the Black woman down the block from you. Every single one of them, and we mean EVERY single one of them have experienced microaggressions, violence or racism in some way. See them. These acts, and many others, are beneficial not only for devising solutions for enduring or eliminating violence that are accessible, but also for obtaining a sharper lens through which we view the world, as well as having better justifications for those lenses. As a community that seems to pride itself on the intellectual integrity of the arguments made within and outside rounds, we need to place more accountability on where these arguments come from and who they are meant to serve. We need to think more about why we aspire to be theorists or scholars or educators or – and I’m looking at you, LARPers – hypothetical government policymakers if the solutions to the problems we attempt to solve only contribute to other forms of violence. If we truly hope to ever create the world Barbara Smith and the other members of the Combahee River Collective dreamt of in those words, we need to think bigger than ourselves. At the end of the day, Black women will continue to resist, but it will take all of us, and I mean ALL of us, to create a world where Black women can truly be free.

CITES

Bey, Marquis. “The Trans*-ness of Blackness, the Blackness of Trans*-ness.” TSQ: Transgender Studies Quarterly. 4, no. 2 (May 2017): 275-295. https://doi.org/10.1215/23289252-3815069.

Hartman, Saidiya. “The Belly of the World: A Note on Black Women’s Labors.” Souls 18, no. 1 (2016): 166–73. https://doi.org/10.1080/10999949.2016.1162596.

Smith, Barbara. “Combahee River Collective Statement (1977).” African American Studies Center, 2009. https://doi.org/10.1093/acref/9780195301731.013.78642.

Spillers, Hortense J. Mama’s Baby, Papa’s Maybe: An American Grammar Book. 2nd ed. Vol. 17. Baltimore, Maryland: The John Hopkins University Press, 1987.

Terrefe, Selamawit D. Speaking the Hieroglyph. 1st ed. Vol. 21. Baltimore, Maryland: John Hopkins University Press, 2018.

The Drinking Gourd Book Club

Hello friends! Many of us have more time on our hands because of restrictive measures due to the outbreak of Covid-19. We felt that there is no better way to spend time at home than reading and thinking with those in our community. That is why we are organising a two-week book club that centers around themes of care and community at the end of the world. To push and challenge our thinking, the list of texts that we will be working through utilizes a variety of mediums, featuring litterature, poetry, film and essays. The novel we will be reading during this time will be Go Tell It on the Mountain by James Baldwin. Each meeting we will discuss the book itself, and a variety of other works that we have suggested to be read with that section of the book, featuring works by Saidiya Hartman, Alice Walker,  Stevie Wonder, Lauryn Hill, Fred Moten and others. A full schedule can be found below.

Read all of the material we suggest, or read none of it, or choose the bits and pieces that seem most interesting to you, the choice is yours. If you want to participate in the meetings but you don’t feel like talking, that’s cool too. You can participate in all of the meetings or just one and attend the rest in spirit, that’s fine with us. We are just happy to have you. The goal of the space is to be relaxed, fun, and as not-school-like as possible, come as you are. 

Discussions will be hosted over Zoom, a virtual meeting platform. The material was selected by Quinn Hughes and Henry Eberhart. If you are interested in participating fill out the link to the google form below, or you can reach out to Quinn or Henry at qahughes@eths202.org and hteberhart@eths202.org respectively. Reading/listening/watching material will be provided to those interested free of charge.

Book club interest form

Schedule

DateWednesday 3/25Sunday 3/29Wednesday 4/1Sun 4/5
ReadingBook: Go Tell it on the mountain Read to: end of book one
Essays: Excerpts from Wayward Lives Beautiful ExperimentsBy Saidiya Hartman
Read: beginning until end of “a minor figure”
“The Only Reason You Want toGo to Heaven is That You Have BeenDriven Out of Your Mind” by Alice Walker
Read: the entire essay
WatchI am not your negro
Listen: The truth is on its way – album by Nikki Giovanni


Book: Go Tell it on the mountainRead to: end of Gabriel’s prayer
Essays- Continue reading  Wayward lives
Finish Through “An Intimate History of Slavery and Freedom”
Chapter one of The Cross and The Lynching Tree -James Cone

“Nobody Knows de Trouble I See” 
ListenSongs in the Key of Life by Stevie Wonder
WatchParis is Burning
Book:Go Tell it on the mountain Finish Elizabeth’s Prayer
EssaysContinue readingWayward lives
Finish through “An Atlas of the Wayward”
Sonny’s blues by James Baldwin
ListenThe Miseducation of Lauryn Hill
PoetrySelected poems by Eve Ewing
Book: Go Tell it on the mountainFinish the Book 

EssaysWayward livesFinish Book 1
Moanin- Fred Moten
ListenKind of Blue – miles davis
Watch Moonlight

Love Your Flesh – An Interview with Fred Moten

“Love Your Flesh” – An Interview with Fred Moten

By Quinn Hughes

Dr.Fred Moten begins his seminal work, In The Break (University Of Minnesota Press 2003), with a simple, yet world breaking phrase; “The history of blackness is testament to the fact that objects can and do resist.” His following works, including among others, The Undercommons Fugitive Planning & Black Study which he co-authored with  Stefano Harney, (Minor Compositions 2013), the series Consent Not to be a Single Being (Duke University Press 2017,2018), and the National Book Award finalist The Feel Trio (Letter Machine Editions 2014), take up this idea and investigate it in the moments of Black social life during and after Slavery. This interview seeks to develop a deeper understanding of two recurring themes present in Dr.Moten’s body of work. First is a question of aesthetics and performance. What does it mean to love and care for Black performance in a world whose epistemic premises fail to create a grammar of Black love and care? What tools can Black people employ to celebrate Black life intramurally? The second major question is one of collective activism. How can we as a community of scholars and thinkers work together. How can we theorize intentionally so that our writing and thinking can transform into love and action? Hopefully, by exploring these ideas we can develop a method of thinking by and with love that can inform and illuminate our everyday. 

Quinn Hughes – Who are some contemporary artists who you are listening to/reading/watching? 

Fred Moten – Jennie C. Jones, Kevin Beasley, Moodyman, Taylor Johnson, Klein, Kimberly Alidio, Daniel Carter, Nicole Mitchell…

QH – If there is one album that you would say all black people must listen to, what would it be?

FM – The more I listen, the clearer it seems to me that there is no such thing as one. There is no one album, which is not even the same thing as saying it’s all one big album. It’s all about how attentively and carefully you listen in any given minute to any of the infinite and infinitely beautiful things there are to listen to.

QH – If there is one book you would tell all black people to read, what would it be? Why?

FM – The same as above. There’s too much beautiful stuff. Just start somewhere good and pay attention to how you pay attention

QH – What does black art, as a phrase and as a praxis, mean to you?

FM – Black art tends toward a general, socio-aesthetic resistance to art and its metaphysical and politico-economic underpinnings. In the first instance, or, more precisely, even before that, it is fugitive to itself. That fugitivity, our social aesthetic, our aesthetic sociality, as my friend and comrade and co-conspirator Laura Harris puts it, is a gathering of modes of gathering, and a disbursal of the wealth that comes in and with that gathering. It’s sharing against ownership and authorship; and generosity and generativity against the myth of individual genius. It looks back on the wreck of our terror-driven history and moves forward in and with and towards all the beauty that we are

QH – In a previous interview, you talk about your archive being your mother’s record collection. What did this archive give you? What did you learn from it?

FM – I am still learning how beautiful black music is, and how various, and how, in the end, it’s not even really about the music as such unless you broaden that term out past every formal and sensual boundary. I am still learning about my mother and about how who and what she is, even in her absent presence, goes so far past the boundary of her person and into what my friend, the great critic Terrion Williamson, calls the maternal ecology as it bends against the strain and duress that, as our greatest critic, Hortense Spillers, teaches, has made individual black motherhood impossible. My mom’s records are an archive of sharing.

QH – Frequently Black archives are found within record collections, cook books, photo albums and other found places. Because of the violence of space, there is a degree of absence intrinsic to the archive (we lack the narrative of a female slave who survived the middle passage, for example). You, and others in the field of Black studies, specifically Saidiya Hartman and Christina Sharpe, write about mourning and memory in relation to Blackness. What does archival and memorial work look like and mean to you? What can we do to improve this process and make archival a part of daily life?

FM – We carry the archive with us in the way we walk and the work we do. Spillers speaks of “flesh memory” and Manolo Callahan speaks of “flesh work” and their ideas, along with Sharpe’s notion of “wake work” and Hartman’s mode of “critical fabulation” give us an array of approaches to the history that we bear and share. Of course, there are many approaches—so that each record in my mom’s archive is, itself, an archive. As we begin to broaden our conception of what the archive is, and as, especially, we think of it not only as place but as approach and as practice, as Brent Edwards—who is, somehow, our greatest critic, too—has long been instructing us to do, we innovate and radicalize memory, adding social force to mourning, as our ancestors, who are with us, did in their time and turn. 

QH – In your essay “Black Mo’nin’” you discuss the “phonic substance” that animates the photo of Emmitt Till as a way of thinking about, listening to, and caring for the Black social life that exists around these images of suffering. Recently the video circulation of imagery of Black suffering, specifically at the hands of law enforcement, has become a fixture of the news media. Not only this, but social media has organised these images in a way that makes them easy to circulate, share, and consume. This phenomenon creates a saturation of imagery of Black suffering.  What are we to do with all of these surplus images of Black death? How can we think about them, or hold them differently?

FM – It doesn’t strike me that images of black suffering have ever been in short supply or low circulation. The various techniques and platforms of and for this ubiquity change but I think it is inaccurate to consider that this ubiquity is new or newly problematic. Those who have rightly called for a renewed and more rigorous attention to and attendance upon black suffering are also rightly outraged by the way this ubiquity impoverishes that attention and attendance. Paradoxes arise and they are intense. Should attention remain intramural, so that we can attempt to ensure respect? But shouldn’t the authors of such suffering be made to pay attention, too? What happens when our suffering becomes commodity and financial instrument even in its righteous representations of the history of our becoming commodities and financial instruments? Does anybody, even the most committed black artist, have the right to capitalize on our suffering or to assume that their art and their sincerity is outside that structure and practice of capitalization? This set of problems is part of the reason that questions concerning art and its morality and its necessity are so vexed and why they must be examined with renewed vigor, in the interest of renewing the vigor of our tradition’s preference for life over death.

QH – You write that images have a phonic substance. How did you come to this realization? How does this change the way that we think about images and mourn? You write that the phonic substance of the image functions as a challenge to semiotics and animates the image with a “powerful resistance” what does this resistance look like, what are the politics of this resistance?

FM – If the resistance looks like anything, it’s because it sounds like something, too. It sounds  like the breath we share, our ongoing low-class conspiracy, to invoke Callahan again, in tandem with David Murray’n’em. The phonic substance infuses the image while also being that in which the image is immersed, subjecting inside and outside to a double blur of flavor. The realization of this general and all but nonsensical sensuality is common, I think. You just have to feel, as thoughtfully as possible, what you’ve been sensing all along. We keep making mobile, temporary labs for that—little joints and chapels of haptic turbulence. That’s what Khalil El’Zabar calls the “renaissance of the resistance.” That’s how we do. That’s how we have survived.

QH – You write extensively about both the scream of Aunt Hester and the image of Emmett Till’s body, but you also write extensively about black music and scenes of celebration. What have you found in these scenes? What is the importance in investigating these scenes? What do they have in common? In both of these scenes there seems to be a degree of spectacularization, the spectacle of the broken body, the spectacle of the Black artist. How do you interpret this spectacle? 

FM – What’s important is that black life and black death, black celebration and black suffering, are inseparable, hence the necessity of our preferences, which are given, finally, in our practices.

QH – In the beginning of In the Break, you talk about defamiliarizing the familiar inorder to “illuminate the terror of the mundane quotidian rather than exploit the shocking spectacle”. I am wondering if you would be able to speak to what you mean by the shocking spectacle, in addition to what you think it means to defamiliarize the familiar? 

FM – The shocking spectacle refers to those scenes of spectacular suffering that Saidiya Hartman invokes and teaches us to beware in her indispensable book, Scenes of Subjection: Slavery, Terror and Self-Making in Nineteenth-Century America. Rather than try to rehearse her argument, I invite your readers to become hers. Earlier, I said there is no one book that everyone should read; but if you wanna get started on all the books you should read, you couldn’t pick a better book with which to begin. 

QH – You write about moanin as the phonic content of the photograph, all that the photograph refuses to hold within it. The blackened space of moanin, exists within the white space of the image of the broken body.  You also describe moanin as a fugitive praxis. Fugitivity and marriage can be seen as a space entangled with whiteness and blackness together. For example, Harriet Jacobs hidden in her Grandmother’s Home, or The hide-a-ways in the Great Dismal Swamp. I am wondering if you would be able to talk for a bit about the transformation of space as you invision fugitivity? What does Black fugitivity mean to you?

FM – Blackness is fugitivity, as far as I know. What it means is that meaning ain’t all it’s cracked up to be. Neither is space, for that matter. Fugitivity is making place in and out of displacement. The places we make are musical. They bear the unbearable. They bear releasement. They bear movement, which is good and bad. They bear a general disruption and dispossession, which we have to learn to love insofar as it is all we have. I’m talking, or trying to talk, about what Amiri Baraka calls “The place and place/meant of black people.” Fugitivity is the vicious modernism we share. It’s always subject to, and also always given in, our removal. It’s the (re)source of our capacity to refuse, which is not only directed towards them, whoever and whatever they are, but also to and for us, whoever and whatever we are, identity now having been put in severe question in our practices, refusal having found sharing through opposition and objection.

QH – Many places in your work you write either directly with, or tangentially to, the work of Saidiya Hartman. She has worked for many years as a historian and as a philosopher (as if there is any distinction between the two), which gives her work a genius nuance and perspective in Black studies. What is it like working with her? 

FM – I can’t be so presumptuous as to say that I work with Professor Hartman, but I am very happy to have been in the general neighborhood of her influence. As I said above, I don’t want to believe in the reality or the desirability of genius but it’s impossible not to acknowledge and be thankful for hers.

QH – You wrote an essay titled “Bobby Lee’s Hands’ ‘ that is about Black Panthers in Chicago organizing with poor white people moving to the city from Appalachia. Now, there seems to be a degree of urgency thinking about organizing and material resistance to the violences of capitalism, anti-blackness and their intersections. I am interested in what you think about black organising, specifically organizing with/within white spaces. What does Black organising mean to you?

FM – I’m interested in the ongoing organizing of black social life, its ongoing insurgency and constant(ly changing) structure. I don’t know if this means that there can be black places in white spaces. I think it implies, rather, that black organizing is topographic practice that puts abstractions of space in trouble. I tend to be kind of fundamentalist in my resistance to the geographico-political, as such, though. And most of the time I feel funny about that. How could I not be going overboard? On these questions, you’re much better off listening to more rigorous thinkers than me: check out Mary Pat Brady, Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Katherine McKittrick, Abdoumaliq Simone and the late, great Clyde Woods

QH – Black organizing, specifically the organising done by the panthers in the mid-to-late 20th century was centered on an idea of moving towards a Black future. But not only the future in the abstract, but a future of freedom, in a very material sense. A freedom at the level of the physical, a world without police violence, mass incarceration, capital, etc, but also a freedom at the level of ontology. What does freedom look like to you? What does the future look like to you? 

FM – Freedom doesn’t look like anything to me. Or, it looks like a lie to me. It looks like the United States of America, which is freedom’s land, they say. It looks like it’s entangled with slavery and that this entanglement is congenital, hence the necessity of fugitivity, which freedom, in our experience, has always sought to incarcerate. I think I know, and always want to pay homage, to what we have meant, or have meant to mean, when we utter that word. For me, that homage is paid in the continual investigation of what freedom has been, how it has been lived, what it has imposed. It’s a scary thing to imagine that our future is beyond freedom, or at least on the run from it. I’m not B. F. Skinner and I don’t even like to invoke him and his particular form of terror. Nevertheless, our past, and the physics of our present, indicate to me that what we need, and have always desired, is something both more and less than freedom, which has always, as far as I can tell, been lived as a brutal confinement in a “future metaphysics.” Hasn’t it always been deferred by our arrival at it? Freedom was the condition, Harriet Jacobs recognized, in which her victory was taken from her. Police violence, mass incarceration and capitalism are what freedom looks like. The sooner we come to grips with that the sooner we might begin to see something else.

QH – In a lot of your work, you talk extensively about the politics of interpersonal relationships. In the work of organising is frequently born out of a sense of community and interpersonal relationships. How do you approach, or think about the relational and the communal in your work?

FM – Interpersonal relationships are the structure of the brutality in which we live. Insofar as they are also what it is that we call politics, I am interested in that which is and remains alternative to them. The communal and the relational are not the same thing. Again, I think I know and want to honor what people mean when they speak of the relational as that which we are and that to which we should aspire. I just believe that relationality implies a metaphysics that is the basis of the long duress we and the earth are under. So, I have been trying to think, within a tradition of such thought, outside the box for which those terms are boundaries.

QH – You write “What it would be to have an ontological status, and know it, is what it would be to be a white person” what do you mean by this?

FM – I mean, simply, that ontological status is a fundamental part of the dangerous and materially brutal fantasy called whiteness.

QH – Part of the essay is exploring the relationship between whiteness and blackness within these spaces of collective organising. There is a degree of violence intrinsic in this space, how can Black organisers think about, or negotiate this? 

FM – Violence is everywhere. The question is, how do we practice it? Can we practice it with love? 

QH –What is the role of scholars who think they are white (which is to say white scholars)? 

FM – I see no role in any project I seek to be part of (for lack of more precise terms) for any scholar who thinks they are white. Now, there might be some scholars, who show up as white to someone or other, who are down to do the work the general insurgency entails and requires and thereby to renounce the white mythology. They are my friends and I’ll fight with them and walk with them anywhere.

QH – In the essay, you also actually investigate the act of Bobby Lee physically touching and pulling out the white people who hid themselves within the room. You write; “ What whiteness seeks to separate, blackness blurs by cutting, in touch.” You then go on to describe how it is Bobby Lee’s touch, his hands, that are almost ontological tools, for lack of a better word, that change the relationship between space and relationality in that very room. I am wondering if you can talk about the scene of his hands?

FM – Bobby Lee’s hands refuse space and relationality. In the openness of their touch they try to heal the malady of thinking that one is white, or that one is one. His hands are para-ontological tools, and he is an anti- and ante-ontological instrument who remains as such, in force, in passage, and even in his passing.

QH – What does intergenerational work mean for black folks?

FM – It means trying to be kind and trying to listen.

QH – What does intersections/intercommunal work look like in the 21st century? What is the role of intercommunal activism? How can we improve it?

FM – We can improve it by trying to be kind and trying to listen and trying, as rigorously and violently and lovingly as we can, to criticize an dismantle every concept and assumption and desire and institution that has been imposed on us by the rulers of the world.

QH – What gives you hope?

FM – Nothing gives me hope, but the fact that there are no things in this entanglement we share continues, for me, to be cause for optimism.

QH – Where and how do you find time and space to celebrate the everyday miracle that is Blackness?

FM – Everywhere, all the time, in mourning. I’m always in the second line.

QH – What advice would you give to young black people?

FM – Listen to Baby Suggs and love your flesh.

Thoughts on Black History Month – By Michelle Grant

Black History is
A foreward in of a book that we won’t get to on the syllabus
It is
4 months of my High School career
It is
Not even an elective class

Black history is yet to be spoken but not yet to be made.

Like the words I was too scared to say so i screamed.

Too scared to write so i cried.
And y’all heard me but you did not listen because listening was too close to understanding.
And understanding meant guilty. But if you only hear me crying you were complicit.
But to me that was guilt all the same.
And i cried so much that my tears had washed away all of my reservations.

The denial of our history is a reservation in a restaurant where we will feel to uncomfortable to eat.
So we leave hungry.
But im not hungry anymore, im starving.
Starving for a representation to radical for you to give me.
Black History is
Incomplete, written out, ridden hard, broke in and ridden down.
The miseducation , mishandling, mistreatment, and misfire.
It was building the house and carefully burning it down.
It is a terror in the night you wake up screaming from
But,
Black history is the underscore to every dream.
Have you dreamed before?
It is the backdrop music to a movie you just cant gentrify.
Black history is boundless. It is the past and what is yet to come.

Submissions

The Drinking Gourd has open submissions to anyone who wishes to be featured on the site. The sited is mainly interested in featuring the voices of Black students currently debating, that being said what is punished on the site is not exclusive to those categories. If your are interested in writing feel free to email the editor of this site Quinn Hughes (he/him) directly at qahughes@eths202.org.

Editorial Statement

Hello, my name is Zion Dixon and I am the new editor at The Drinking Gourd. I currently am a senior at Strake Jesuit College Preparatory where I have done Lincoln Douglas debate for the past four years. I am assisted by Quinn Hughes (he/him). Quinn is currently a freshman at Columbia University. All of the work that is featured on this site has been directly posted verified and reviewed by us. On our site we hope to curate a positive debate community by featuring the voices of Black students. Given our age, for many of those who write for this site, it is our first time writing for a larger audience. That being said, we kindly ask everyone who engages with our site to keep that in mind when interacting, sharing or commenting on the writing featured on the page. That being said, we strongly feel that the best way to grow our minds is to challenge our selfs with different perspectives. For that reasons, discourse it not only encouraged, but it is one of the main reasons why this blog was created in the first place. In addition to this, we hold all of the content on the site to a rigorous standard, insisting that work published is factually correct, and adheres to proper citations. If you fell that an article published fails at one of the two aforementioned standards, please reach out.

If you have any questions, comments or concerns, we or if you want some music recommendations we can be reached directly via email at zionjd@gmail.com and qah2104@columbia.edu.

If you are interested in submitting writing for the blog the email listed above is the best place to reach me.

Best, Zion.

On Non-Black Afropessimism

Editor’s Note – This article is an accumulation of our thoughts on the issue of non-Black people reading afro pessimism in debate. The ideas and thoughts expressed in this article are raw, dynamic and changing daily based on conversations and discourse in the debate space. More than anything, however, the sentiments expressed in the article below comes from a place of feeling, and while writing from a place of feeling can be messy and challenging at times, we feel strongly about sharing our work of feeling with those in the community so that we can grow together. Just as feelings change over time, so do thoughts, views, and opinions change as well. We offer this work as a representation of where our views lie at the time of this publication, and we are excited to have diverse discourse on the matter. The views expressed in the following paragraphs are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the entire Black debate community, nor the institutions that the authors represent. This article contains an extended discussion of anti-black violence – reader discretion is advised. 

By – Zion Dixon, Joshua Porter and Quinn Hughes

The relation between pleasure and possession of slave property, in both figurative and literal senses can be explained in part by the fungibility of the slave—that the joy made possible by virtue of replaceability and interchangeability endemic to the commodity—and by the extensive capacities of property—that is, the augmentation of the master subject through his embodiment in external objects and persons. 

– Saidiya Hartman

What would have happened if Rachel Dolezal had nappied up her hair, tan her skin, put on that effect, and went south of the Mason Dixon line in the year 1800? The ability to engage in slave roleplaying is available to non-Black debaters because of the academic protection provided by the debate space, but the scholarship implies that history is a flat line, and slaveness is an atemporal term. Therefore, if Rachel Dolezal wanted to play slave now, a counterfactual reading of her conduct still applies. Imagine Rachel “spreading the scholarship” arm in arm with Harriet Tubman. Rachel whispers the escape route to a fellow slave, but she is overheard by the slave master. Instead of promptly lacing Rachel up, the master allows Rachel to wash the perm out of her hair, remove her spray tan, and live the rest of her life as a white woman who does not have to deal with the burden of anti-black violence.

Our thesis: Non-Black debaters are allowed to have a comfortable relationship to the scholarship of afro pessimism due to the academic protection provided by the debate space, but the objective of this article is to rupture. Non-Black debaters get ballots when they read the theory and are able to shy away from discussion about how they are entangled with anti-blackness, whereas the implications of this scholarship deeply affect Black children in the debate space. 

* * *

One of the constructive principles of the flesh is the inevitability of invasion, as theorized in the seminal work Mama’s Baby, Papa’s Maybe by Hortense Spillers. For the flesh and the subjects who ontological premise is to be encapsulated by fleshiness, invasion is a constitutive and reliable fact of Black life. To be invaded physically with the “magnetization of bullets” to the captive body, as theorized by Frank Wilderson, with the invasion of the master’s touch, as articulated further by Spillers and later by Saidya Hartman, and with the invasion of the mind and the psyche as stated by Frantz Fanon. Invasion and its accompanying principles of negro-philia/phobia, resentment, angst, disgust, define the relationship that Black people may have with one another and with the world. The process of being invaded, touched, and felt, mark the experience of Blackness. The object always already in the position of being held, kept, owned by the world. The world taking, carrying, appropriating using, consuming Blackness, is predetermined by the world’s ability to invade Blackness.

These scenes of invasion construct Black spaciality. Blackness is constructed as the presence of the absence of space. Always already in the position of being occupied by the impossibility of occupation. The insistence of Black space creation is the testament to the resistance of the object. The possibility of Black space making, Black imaging, Black praxis made out of space is the refusal to be occupied by the world’s invasive principals. The maroon communities who were forced to build space out of trees, swamp, bog were forced to create spaces out of and inside plain sight. The space making of Harriet Jacobs forced her to make space out of her mother’s floorboards. The creation, augmentation, and recreation of space is a principal of the Black experience. In these scenes, we are not only forced to bear witness to when the object resists, but also when space endures the object. 

When space becomes unavailable when the existence of is a technology of anti-Black violence, the ability to create and imagine and fabulated space is not only an impressive luxury but a necessary praxis of survival. The ability to imagine the end of the world as well as the ability to imagine the creation of another serves as the praxis of thinking through and surviving the violent intrusion foundational to Blackness. Saidya Hartman gives a name to this praxis in her work “Venus in Two Acts,” describing the imagining of these new worlds, this counter articulation to the narrative of anti-Blackness, as “Critical Fabulation”. Fabulation as the refusal of the narrative that can not be given in favor of the story that can not be imagined. 

By playing with and rearranging the basic elements of the story, by re-presenting the

sequence of events in divergent stories and from contested points of view, I have attempted

to jeopardize the status of the event, to displace the received or authorized account, and to

imagine what might have happened or might have been said or might have been done. By

throwing into crisis “what happened when” and by exploiting the “transparency of sources” as

fictions of history, I wanted to make visible the production of disposable lives (in the Atlantic

slave trade and, as well, in the discipline of history), to describe “the resistance of the object,”

if only by first imagining it, and to listen for the mutters and oaths and cries of the commodity. 

In this praxis of calling for this new narrative, the one in which the damned, moans, laughters and cries of Blackness can be understood and respected by the agents of the world, one is necessary calling for an end of the world and its technologies, as it is the world that constructs itself, and sustains itself on top of the perpetuation of Black nonbeing. The ability to make, imagine and call for the end of this world, in favor of the worlds that can not (not) be given, is the method and praxis that sustains Blackness is all of its a-spacialities. 

What happens when the imagined space of the end of the world becomes vulnerable to the invasion that fills and envelops Blackness? What happens when the farthest and most intimate praxises of Black world making/world breaking became the newest city of imperial conquest. In high school, Lincoln Douglas debate, the calls for the ending of the world seem to be spoken more and more frequently by those who are not able to conceptualize, desire, or work through the ending of the world. Not only this, but they are unable to obtain a subject position that allows them to desire the end of the world. Not only this, but the engagement of this scholarship has become overdetermined by the competitive success that is possible through its circulation in the debate space. The competitive success that is possible through the consumption of Black flesh.

Black theory comes from Black life. The love, care, and the impossibility of community is the material by which our theorizations of the world are able to be formed. The ability to share these theories in the debate space empires Black debaters to control and celebrate our narratives, and it gives us the tools to navigate our world predicated on out (non)being. Not only this but being able to celebrate Black life in debate grants Black debaters with the tools to be able to build communities bonding over our own shared and lived experience. We write, we theorize, and we build, as a method of making sense out of the violence that we must bear witness to both in and outside of debate. The act of imagining and theorizing through the end of the world gives Black debaters the tools to love ourselves and build community by forging our own tools, that will never be given to us without our demand for the end of time.

Hartman gives us the tools to be able to articulate the unique violence of non-Black folks reading arguments predicated on Black lived experience. First, there is a phenolic component. The ability and desire to touch, feel, and consume the multiple positions of Blackness. Much more personally, there is the implicit violence of others sharing the most intimate, unique, and disturbing elements of your personal narrative. Bearing witness to non-Black people being celebrated in the debate community based on reading afropress gives way to a unique and sickly feeling that is almost impossible to put to language. The invasion. The occupation. The theft.

* * *

“Debate is a game!” “Debate is a game!” “Debate is a game!” How many times are you non-Black people going to use this excuse for your actions? How many times does a Black debater or judge need to tell you this is triggering before you stop? How many times will we have to call you out before you are held accountable? Even better. Why are judges more compelled to hear non-Black people make the same arguments we do? Is it that hard to resist reducing Black flesh to nothingness? You know what? I am just going to say it. You will not like it. You may not even listen. I cannot be silent about this any longer. WE cannot be quiet about this anymore. NON-BLACK PEOPLE SHOULD NOT BE READING AFRO PESSIMISM. Even better, stop using Black suffering and the reality of anti-Blackness to win high school debate rounds. There I said it. If only it were that simple. If only I could be assured you would listen. 

Non-Black afro pessimism is problematic because our authors take an ontological stance on Blackness. Reading positions centered around Black suffering, oppression, and violence for ballots is disgusting. We have a different relation to the literature and arguments; when I do it, I am confronting the reality of my life. When you do it, your relationship to the positions is entirely different. How do you even relate to it? Stop saying, “oh, debate is a game”. That will not cut it anymore. We are talking about real lives and feelings, and non-Black debaters will never understand the weight of that. We are coping with the reality of an anti-Black world. You guys just think it must suck to be Black. Our authors make claims that Blackness is nonhuman, an object, nonbeing, nothing, outside of this world, a nigger. You people read these cards without taking the time to let it sink in that you might as well call us niggers. The logic of reducing Blackness to an object is all the same.. Do you ever think debate might be more than a game to some people? Of course, you don’t. You guys don’t care about us. In the words of Rashad Evans “As a non-Black debater, your relationship to afro pessimism will always be theoretical, redundant, and objectifying.” non-Black debaters can read arguments about the topics relationship to Black people, but you cannot reduce Blackness to ontological nothingness. Black people in the debate community talk about this quite often. non-Black debaters will never know how we feel about them reading these positions. We know that. Just respect that.

As Black debaters begin to call people out more and more on this controversial issue, you guys must have a clear understanding of what all this means. First, it needs to be established that this is not an act of restricting anti-racism or, in any way, saying you cannot join the fight against anti-Blackness. This is saying that it is unethical to actively seem comfortable in calling Black people socially dead, slaves, nothing, etc. There is a difference and saying racism is terrible, and reading ontological claims about Blackness. You go from wanting to end anti-Blackness to just accepting that “progress is impossible” for US. Once again, you put yourself in an awkward position as a non-Black person because of the lack of understanding and relationship you will always have with this literature. You do not get to call us slaves to get the ballot. This would also mean that you can answer pessimistic positions because that would not be affirming the nothingness of Blackness. Apologizing is nice don’t get me wrong, but is it meaningful? Does that really fix our pain? Does it teach you anything? Even then, the act of apologizing after we call you out just proves that you did something problematic. Why else would you feel the need to apologize? Some say if afro pessimism is real, then reading it in debate rounds is the only ethical choice. However, you do not have to seem all happy about the theory being true. You do not have to repeat the same shit in debate rounds to win rounds acting as if you care, or as if you would do anything about it. If the ontological claims are correct, that is more of a reason for us Black debaters to get triggered by you reading it. Do I really need these white people to reaffirm my social death? You guys are the same people out of rounds trying to argue that our literature is bullshit… Next issue is the concept of “ I only read it once” or “ I will never read it again.” The act of calling debaters out for reading afro pessimistic positions is not to attack you personally but to criticize the quite popular norm you have upheld in debate and the toxic atmosphere you have participated in creating for Black kids. The ability for some people to go back and forth between this literature and policy affs proves the privilege non-Black people have to separate themselves from the frame of anti-Blackness whenever they please. The purpose of this is not to define what Blackness is because Blackness means something different for different people. The point is that non-Black persons should not do it. Similar to saying the word nigga or nigger, an evaluation of what Blackness is completely distracting from the point that the action is unethical. When Black debaters are get triggered or suffer psychological violence from the act of non-Black people reading certain literature, the question is no longer “what can I do to win despite being called out?”. An understanding is necessary to realize that not everyone will know what it is like to be in that position. We will defend this claim in all instances because it is about the way individuals are negatively impacted by this space. Safety and inclusion in the debate community should be the primary focus. 

When Black debaters start calling people out for reading afro pessimism (because we will), be on the right side. As we began using this argument it was immediately clear that judges of color specifically Black judges tended to vote for this argument while non-Black judges who read some sort of afro pessimism in highschool and white judges are quick to shut us down. This just feeds into the slave master’s fantasy by being rewarded for dehumanizing Black bodies. In response to this current trend, it is important to realize that signing the ballot the other way in these situations just says our personal experiences are not violent and attempts to assert that our feelings are inaccurate or not of your concern. Until this is no longer occurring, judges should allow us to call debaters out on reading afro pessimism. The role of the ballot should be to surrender the ballot to Black debaters when they are calling out non-Black people for being anti-Black. The role of the judge is to allow Black debaters to do this. Allow us to make the space safer for ourselves, allow us to callout anti-Blackness. Force people to be held accountable for their actions. Intervening against this argument because it was “out of round” or whatever the case may be is unacceptable. To assume we have not been affected even after the fact is to underestimate the power of anti-Blackness. For non-Black people to stop actively participating in this continual issue, the Black community needs to see judges willing to step out of their comfort zone to hold others accountable. In response to claims on rejecting out of round arguments, this is not a claim about you or your actions in your everyday life, this is a claim about your orientation towards anti-Blackness in the debate space. Participating in a continual process that makes debate anti-Black directly impacts the Black debater in every round. People vote on out of round dispute all the time in instances like a disclosure theory debate so the act of calling somebody out should not be treated differently. We don’t care if you read it last week or last year. For too long there has been a lack of accountability. Stop being scared to use the ballot as a symbolic representation of what it looks like to hold people accountable. The Black community knows judges enjoy voting up non-Black people on afro pessimism more than voting up Black debaters. And let’s be honest, you have the jurisdiction to vote a Black debater up when they call somebody out for participating in anti-Blackness. The act of surrendering the ballot to Black debaters is vital to allow us to create a safer space and also to overcompensate for the way debate is structurally harder for Black debaters to succeed. When we bring this up in rounds, it is no longer about tricks, spikes, or “important arguments,” because the debate space should be a safe space first and foremost. It is about whether you think it is ethical to uphold anti-Blackness in the debate space. Fuck their fairness claims, because it is definitely not fair to participate in an activity where you are reduced to nothing for people to win. It is not fair to have to prove why anti-Blackness is bad. 

Debate should be a safe space for everybody, and allow Black debaters to call out anti-Blackness. 

Works Cited

Brady, Nicholas and Murillo lll, John. Black Imperative: “A Forum on Solidarity in the Age of Coalition.” Out of Nowhere. Published January 2014. Accessed 26 December 2019. 

Spillers, Hortense J. “Mama’s baby, papa’s maybe: An American grammar book.” diacritics 17.2 (1987): 65-81.

Saidiya, Hartman. “Venus in Two Acts.” Small Axe 12.2 (2008): 1-14.

Wilderson III, Frank B. Red, white & black: Cinema and the structure of US antagonisms. Duke University Press, 2010.

Evans, Rashad On Flipping Aff and Being Black” 2015

Editorial Correction

Hello readers. We are disappointed to learn about an editorial error that appeared in the first publication of our most recent article “On Non-Black Afropessimism”. The second paragraph in the final section of the article included a quote from another article and said quote was not properly cited. The quote was the following;

“As a non-Black debater, your relationship to afro pessimism will always be theoretical, redundant, and objectifying ”

This sentence appeared in the article “Flipping Aff & Being Black” by Rashad Evans.

One of the authors in the article published on our cite heard the phrase from another one of the authors of the work, and was under the impression that said author originally came up with the sentence. Thus, when writing the article, the author of that section thought they were writing what a co-author of the piece had said. We were not until after publication that we learned of our error. Since then the error has been changed.

The quote did not appear as unoriginal work in the plagiarism detection software originally used to check our work during the pre-publication process. moving forward, we are revising our editorial process in order to prevent this issue in the future.

On this site we are committed to the highest standards of citation and editorial practice and we would like to give our full apology to Rashad Evans as well as our Readers.

This cite has been created and run by High School Students who are learning and growing through this process. We are beyond thankful to have a community that calls us out when we make mistakes. We look forward to featuring more content and to building a better debate community in the process.

Blackness is time travel (Black in Time) By Michelle Grant

Moving through space differently, watching the clock run backward. The chicken the egg the chicken the egg. The living but dead, living and dead. The ancestors and descendants, occupy a body dragged through time. I will be with the ancestors, I will be an ancestors. The chicken the egg. Difference in form and a difference in time. A genesis. An origin story. Back in time. Back in space. The Atlantic. The deaths, rotting flesh, the ship. Back in time. Black in time. Living and dead. Waiting to die. I ask if you can wait without time? Without space? Dead. unmourned? Permanently mourned.in unmarked graves. The Atlantic. Same space different instant both black. To go black in time. Extending forever on in every direction. In the mines, stripped in the mines. The sugar plantations. Saw the mines collapse. Felt the whip crack. Black to Red, Black stripped from flesh. Black in space. Black in time. The ancestors that i call out to hold me close in their dreams. Their pain. My pain. Our pain. Black through time. To go backward into their dreams. My face an image of their future. I wait patiently to be an ancestor. Sooner rather than later. Having fallen short of their dreams. Black through time. Black in space, there were stars we were stars. To become an ancestor was to close my eyes and dream. To see a future of blackness.

——————————

To be black was to occupy space. We often refer to debate as a space but the isolating experience creates a vacuum.  Debate is the void. A block in understanding between the others and persons rendering black people unintelligible. I seek to be a realization of both my own dreams and the dreams of those who came before me. That when the future comes to me in my dreams that black debaters.I do this for the ones that never will never make it out.  They taught me the difference between silenced and quiet. The difference was unheard versus unsaid. Sound needs matter; debate is a void.They screamed knowing that those who would listen would like it and those who would not did not care anyways. Exclusion from education is anti-black cyclical violence. It is the torture followed by the screaming. The silencing which told me i had nothing to say in the first place. I do this for the black and unheard. To be the matter that carries our voice across the void until they can no longer pretend not to hear us scream.

Related Literature:

“The Middle Passage epistemology operates as a formidably successful structure in analyses in the social sciences or humanities of Black identity because it provides us with the basic dimensions of Blackness—(three-dimensional) space with the added dimension of time to form a linear progress narrative. Nonetheless, Physics of Blackness shows how Black dis-

courses can endlessly expand the dimensions of our analyses and intersect 

with a wider range of identities by deploying an Epiphenomenal concept of spacetime that takes into account all the multifarious dimensions of Black-

ness that exist in any one moment, or “now”—not “just” class, gender, and 

sexuality, but all collective combinations imagined in that moment.” – Michelle M. Wright, Physics of Blackness

“Though the notorious “Middle Passage” appears to the investigator as a vast background without boundaries in time and space, we see it related in Donnan ‘s accounts to the opening up of the entire Western hemisphere for the specific purposes of enslavement and colonization.” – Hortense Spillers, Mama’s Baby , Papa’s Maybe.

“I/We need time. Time to read Black literature both as Black and as it thinks about Blackness in untimely manners and matters; give me time. And we might find and read the Black in it, and Blacken it, or reveal how it is always necessarily Blackened in the endless wake of slavery, the “interminable time of meaninglessness,” and the ghostly, but never invisible, deathliness that gives not life breaths, but kisses of death, to Black imaginations and the work they produced, produce and might (possibly) produce. I consider this a tense matter, so we must think and move with caution. Taking our time, we might, after all, “begin.” ” – John Murillo III , Quantum Blackanics: Untimely Blackness, and Black Literature Out of Nowhere

“Black ppl always late bc we don’t adhere to western notions of time. Time moves linearly for non-blacks, but accumulates for black people. (I’m talking about political ontology here)”  – @luxurynegro